Category Archives: Black August

The Pacifica Radio/UC Berkeley Social Activism Sound Recording Project The Black Panther Party Huey Newton Funeral, August 28, 1989

Johnny Spain

All Power to the People!

 

It’s been a long time coming!

 

[Applause}

 

I look at the people in the room, particularly the people who were in the Black Panther Party, and I think that there is alot of power in this room. And yet, I think we all know, as we knew years ago, that us alone only amounted to, in some people's mind, as a bunch of crazy fools in a room. It's you, and it always has been you, who have made the real difference, and given the real definition in "All Power to the People." And, I just want to say that after the dust clears, and next week little kids say, "Huey who?", we should all remember that in someone's community--whatever you think of Huey, negative or positive--in someone's community, a human being was gunned down, and that should serve us all notice that there is alot of work to be done.

 

To the family, and to all of you, but especially to the family, my heart is yours. Power to the People.

[applause]

 

Father Earl Neal

 

Let there be peace among us, and let us not be instruments of our own oppression, and let us always claim power to the people.

 

In the brief moments that I have, with remarks I want to offer and share with the family and with you, on behalf of my love and relationship to Huey, I take guidance from Holy Scripture, where we find these word written in the eleventh chapter of Hebrews, verses 24-26: By Faith, Moses, when he was come to years, refused to be called the son of Pharoh’s daughter, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, esteeming the reproach of Christ to greater riches than the treasures in Egypt Moses chose to identify with the people, and in so doing claimed his identity. He was not a sell-out to Pharoh, by letting Pharoh define who he was. Huey was our Moses. He did the same thing. He chose to identify with the needs of the people, and asserted and claimed his identity as a person, and as Servant of the People. Huey challenged and confronted modern day Pharohs to let my people go Modern day Pharohs of the racism, modern day Pharohs of the health care system, wherein the black and other babies of color have an infant mortality rate four times greater of that than white babies. Modern day Pharoah of a federal budget in which the poor are asked to bite the bullet, but the military is not asked to bite the MX missle or stealth bomber. The Modern Pharoah of a criminal justice system wherein a black youth can be shot to death for stealing a car and a man pardoned after stealing a country. [applause]

 

And just as Moses led the Hebrew children out of slavery in Egypt, so did Huey, our Moses, lead one of the greatest freedom marches in human history. Leading us out of the Egypt of our minds by co-founding the Black Panther Party, and enabling us to claim and affirm our identity as a people, and giving us pride and hope in ourselves. In identifying with the people and serving the people, Huey did not promise pie in the sky, by and by, when he knew that we needed something sound on the ground, while we were still around.

 

[applause]

And thus was developed the Ten Point Survival Program which Ericka read, [Ericka Huggins, tape lost during original recording failure] which not only dealt with the daily survival needs of the people, but also dealt with those systems and institutions in our society which placed people in survival situtations. We heard the ten point program read. But we also heard the ten point program read when we heard the reading from Matthew…the 25th chapter of Matthew a few moments ago. That spoke about feeding the hungry, giving comfort to those in prison, of healing the sick. Because you see, Huey was able to join together The Amen Corner with The Street Corner. And in response to this, and in support of the Party, we had a black clergy organization– interdenominational- called Alamo Black Clergy, which provided a lot of support, material and spiritual and psychological, to the various survival programs of the Party. And Huey was a courageous prophet and a brilliant visionary…this has already been tesified to…committed to establishing rightousness, justice, and truth in the world order, and in human society. And he brings us together today to rededicate ourselves to his vision, to his passion and to his purpose. And although the Pharaoh FBI and Oakland Police Dept. tried to give Huey a false identity, that of a gangster, you the People rose up, infused by the spirit of Huey, and with your faithful vigil, with the brilliant light of your candles, with the brilliant colors and fragrance of your flowers, and with your marching feet, you sent a loud and resounding “No!”: he is our leader and our hero; he is our Moses.

 

[applause]

Huey challenges us today to use that same energy, as Don mentioned a few minutes ago, and that same spirit–to be a spirit of renewal in our communities, in our men, in our women, in our young people, and to commit to continue our struggle for liberation. Huey challenges us also to affirm and support the struggles of those in other lands who have claimed their identities. (Now, I’m winding down now). In telling Pharaoh to let my people go…and this is particularly true, even as we speak and celebrate the life of Huey…that in South Africa, where we see Huey’s truth being lived out, that the Man’s technology…that the spirit of the People is always greater than the Man’s technology of death and destruction.

 

[applause]

And now our brother Huey has taken his last turn around the sun. He joins the company of prophets, of martyrs, of revolutionaries, and those in every generation who have found hope in God. And I pray that when we have taken our last turn around the sun, that we will be found faithful witnesses of the struggle and the spirit of Huey Percy Newton. And hear those blessed words of welcome from Jesus, which he has pronounced to Huey, Well done thou good and faithful servant of the people, enter thou unto the joy of the Lord [applause]

 

Eulogy and closing prayer: Pastor J. Alfred Smith, Sr.

 

In the 55th Psalms, David wrote “Oh, that I had the wings of a dove, I’d fly away and be at rest. I would flee far away and stay in the desert. I would hurry to my place of shelter, far from the tempest and storm. Confuse the wicked, oh Lord, confound their speech, for I see violence and strife in the city. Day and night they prowl about on its walls. Malices and abuses are within it. Destructive forces are at work in the city. Threats and lies never leaves its streets.”

 

And in the New Testament, the third chapter of the Gospel of John, and verse 17, we have these words: “God sent not his son into the world to condemn the world, but that the world through him might be saved.”

 

That day when Marc Anthony stood and gave an oration for his friend, Julius Caesar, he said: “Friends, Romans, countryman, lend me an ear. I’ve not come to praise Caesar, but to bury him. The good that men do…the evil that men do lives after them, and the good is often interred in their bones. And so is Caesar.”

 

And at this particular point in history…and I stand with the eloquent voices that proceeded me, and none more golden in eloquence than Dr. Cecilia Arrington, and those who followed her in the train of orators, and saying that we’ve not come to bury Huey, but we’ve come to praise him…and simply because the good that people do if often interred in their bones. I don’t know what it is that makes human nature forget that there is so much bad in the best of us, and so much good in the worst of us, until it scarcely behooves any of us to talk about the rest of us. “In any that men condemn as ill, I find so much goodness still. In men who men pronounce divine, I find so much sin and blot, until I dare not draw a line between the two where God has not.”

 

And therefore I’m come to give a brief eulogy today–a very brief eulogy–because at 2:20 today I’m to be on an airplane, to speak at a banquet tonight in honor of one of the great black Christian educators of America, Dr. Foster Cracket, who for fifty years and used his mind to prepare people to be more humane. But in my brief eulogy, I want to say that in the newspapers we’ve not found much of that which is eulogy, we’ve found maldiction, and we’ve found that which is ugly. But I wonder and why it is that we have not heard the whole story. And why the balanced story of Mr. Newton’s life was not told; and since it was not told, and I stand in a free pulpit, and since I am not intimidated by anyone but the Almighty God; and since black people pay my salary [applause]; and since we do not operate on government grants…but black men and women in this community, and who could appreciate Mr. Newton, because he was no handkerchief-head Uncle Tom [applause], I want to give a word of eulogy today. Eulogy, an English word is simply a marriage of two Greek words: EU in Greek means “good,” and the logy –the LOGY–comes from the Greek noun “logos,” which means “word.” I want to say a good word.

 

The first thing that I want to say is this my brother always spoke of a father and mother who gave him strength and made him afraid neither of death, and therefore he was unafraid of life. And that ought to be said today. And I think that good words ought to be said about him. And how is it that Mr. Oliver North can lie, and America wants to make a hero out of him? How is it that a H.U.D. set aside to provide housing for people can give that money away in pay offs to people who call them consultants, like James Watts and others? And nobody takes them to task for it, but they want to look in the closets of my brother Huey Newton as if there’re not skeletons in their own closet.

 

As I preach the gospel of Jesus Christ, they tell me he’s the only one they were able to say “I find no with no fault in him.” Mary’s baby; the Lilly of the Valley; the Morning Star; the Lion of the tribe of Judah; the one that multiplied fish and loaves, turned water to wine. …Huey wanted to follow in his footsteps and give bread to the hungry. Those of us who are Black today ought to say thank God that he came to America in a time like this. I don’t know how to make it plain, but he loved children, just like Jesus loved children. He loved children because he wanted children to have breakfast, didn’t want them to go to school in the morning without breakfast. And I tell you, if I were not a justice-oriented white man I’d be ashamed. I’d be ashamed because in America today, the richest nation in the world, hunger is at an all time high. There [are] homeless here, but nobody has said anything to the man of teflon [i.e., President Reagan], but they honor him. I’d be ashamed today that they let him get away with all of the things he got away with but didn’t recognize that the students in Huey’s school had unwanted children in them, unwanted even by the public schools, unwanted even by their familes, and the teachers were there not only as teachers, but as parents, as counselors, as nurses. They were their friends, they ate breakfast, lunch, dinner with the children. And some of these children are–yes–making a contribution to American life, and to the life of all people. We ought to celebrate that this afternoon.

 

[applause]

A good word about my brother. And I want you to know that nobody talked to him about him as an intellectual. In Search of Common Ground, Conversations with Eric H. Erickson. And you can’t get through Stanford, you can’t get through any good university without reading some Eric Erickson. And Huey had dialogue with Eric at Yale. And if he were not an intellectual, W.W. Norton Company would not have published it. And he could say with Socratese, “the unexamined life is not worth living.” And he could work with Hegel’s dialectical materialism, moving from thesis to antithesis to synthesis again, and then moving from there to still a higher form of evolutionary destiny. But you see, they don’t like to point black men up as thinkers. We have to scratch our heads, pop our fingers, dance. It’s alright for us to rap, but when we get to mapping out our own destiny, then we in trouble again. Revolutionary Suicide, Harcourt Brace Jovanovitch, Incorporated. A hardback book over some 320 pages. Here is a man who may not had the best of schooling in his infancy years; even as a teenager he could not read well, by his own testimony. But later in life he had earned his PhD degree from the University of California in Berkeley [actually it was University of California, Santa Cruz]. And he didn’t buy that degree. We have a lot of people in town with bought degrees. He didn’t back up and get that degree but his own integrity, discipline, and hard work gave him that degree.

 

Black men, black boys, black girls! Just remember that greatness is not predicated on how high you reach, but the depths from which you’ve come. When I look at him, it’s not how high he’s gone, but it’s the depths from which he’s come. And because he’s been touched from above…see you didn’t have anything to do with his greatness, but there’s somebody bigger than you and I, who made the sun, who made the moon, who made the stars… Somebody bigger than you and I.

I must not preach too long. But if you’ll just allow me to read from the Negritude Poets, an anthology of translations of blackt poets from the French. And I discovered that there is a French-speaking poet by the name of Massillon Coicou, who describes from African perspectives the contextual sitz im leben of Huey Newton. And he’s writing a Lord’s Prayer:

[reads poem] [from The Negritude Poets: An Anthology of Translations from the French / edited and with an introd. by Ellen Conroy Kennedy. Publisher: New York: Viking Press, [1975]]

 

And yes, Huey was not an abstract, armchair, speculative philosopher. He felt that the word should become flesh. And he did not talk about a sweet by and by, but he addressed the nasty now and now. And that’s why we still have an unfinished agenda, an agenda that reminds us that destructive forces are at work in the streets, threats and lies never leave its streets. But you and I must get up out of the rocking chair of complacency and work on the unfinished agenda. We cannot say like David, “Oh, that I had the wings of a dove I’d fly away and be at rest,” because that’s kind of escapism. But we gotta get down in the trenches, roll up our sleeves, and then we have to remember that what the man was trying to tell us, that we can’t wait for Republicans to help us, can’t wait for Democrats to do it for us. I’m so glad we we’ve got Ron Dellums there, I’m so glad…but you and I have to roll up our sleeves and make this place a better place. You and I will have to close the gap. You and I will have to join our hands together.

 

You know, I’m so sorry that John George has gone on home. …I wanted to get all the information I could get for the eulogy, so I found a way of getting UPI press reports, and I said give me… do a computer search on Huey P. Newton. The computer came back and said I got over 500 articles; I can’t give you all of that information. So I had to do what I was doing when I was working on my doctorate. I had to delimit my search. And then it gave me selected information:

July 3, 1977, Sunday, Final Edition, The Washington Post. They quote John George: “I don’t think I could have won without the Panthers’ help. They are a strong force in Oakland.”

 

Yes…in this same…yes, we don’t have a …anybody from the Mayor’s office? But the mayor is a good man. And, but what I want to tell you, that we do have his own campaign manager, Mr. Wasserman, saying in this computer search that he received very unusually strong help from the Panthers in getting the flatland [Oakland community] to know that they could make a difference. With the Panthers’ involvement, Oakland was able to get the very first black mayor. You better not forget that!

 

[applause]

I want us to know that we about to lose our gains if we knock one another off. If more of us run for the office then should have. You know what I’m talking about. One of the things that the black community must remember is that we may Muslim, some of us; some of us may be Baptist; some of us may be humanistic. But we all have a common destiny, because our skin is black. And whether you want to admit it or not you can rise no higher than the lowest of your brethren.

 

[applause]

There’s a PhD here…a PhD from Berkeley… Dr. George Cummings…where are you, George? Stand up, George! Teaches Black Studies. Teaches Black Theology. He said, “I wouldn’t be teaching Black Theology were it not for Huey Netwon.” If you call it “Black Theology,” they say it’s not legitimate. But there’s Roman Catholic theology according to the Irish Catholics; there’s Roman Catholic theology according to the Northern Europeans. And then there is American theology according to Jerry Falwell. But we need a liberation theology that says, “Go down Moses, tell old Pharoah to let my people go!” And don’t you know, Pharoah is well in America today. I can’t understand why every time they turn on the television set and show arrests about drugs, it’s always poor black people that they’re picing up. [applause] But we better wise up a little bit. We don’t have any ships to bring it here. We don’t have any airplanes to fly it in here. And if you can get a man on the moon, and if you can get Neptune in space, and if you got that sophisticated FBI equipment that harrassed the Black Panthers, why can’t you figure out who’s bringing dope in this community.

 

[applause]

I’m going to close now… I’m going to close now…but when I was just…well, I’ve just got to tell you this: the Black Panther Headquarters down the street from us, you think it’s closed? It’s not closed! Truth! Yes, across the earth! It’s going to rise up again! Yes, it will! The Panther sold Allen Temple that building where they put out… used to put out the Black Panther newspaper. And this Black Panther paper, called Co-evolution, Huey said, “sell it to them.” Thank you, Huey! Yes! Sell it to them! They’ll do the right thing. Sell it to them! They love the people. Sell it to them! Don’t give it to the real estate folk. Sell it to them! Sell it to Allen Temple. Sold it to us at a mark-down price. Yes! We going to build a school there. [applause] Yes! He’s going to live. Truth is going to live. Truth across the earth will rise again. We got 21 computers, teaching black children computer language. But when we get that building fixed up, we’ll have 40 computers then.

 

When I first came, young people were saying “Free at Last! Free Huey! Free Huey! Free Huey!” How many of you used to say “Free Huey?” Say it like you used to say it.

 

[audience: "Free Huey!"]

Say it one more time!

 

[audience: "Free Huey!"]

Say it one more time!

 

[audience: "Free Huey!"]

Well, let me tell you, he’s free!! He’s free!!!

 

Reverend Frank Pinkard

 

(President, Baptist Ministers Union, Oakland)

 

To my brothers and sister assembled here, and to my family–the Newton family–it is fitting that we be here today, for, indeed, a great warrior has fallen–a warrior of the People, who understood the People, and a warrior who, without reservation, gave himself to the People. They feared Huey P. Newton in life, they fear him even more in death.

[applause]

 

They fear him because they know that the spirit, the will, and the determination of Huey P. Newton lives on, and will live on, as long as we are part of an indifferent, uncaring, racist society. They called Huey P. Newton a gangster, but we know who the gangsters are. It was the gangsters who enslaved a race of people. It was the gangsters who snatched babies from mothers arms, never to be seen again. It was the gangsters who practiced genocide on red people. It was the gangsters who attempted to annihilate yellow people. It was the gangsters who wanted to count ketchup as part of a nutritional breakfast for starving people. We know who the gangsters are!

 

[applause]

And let me tell you something as I take my seat. Speaker after speaker has said, and they are true: “we ought to do something.” And if all of you who have walked by and looked at Huey, if all of you who are here assembled–and don’t fool yourself, the gangsters are here too–if all of you who are here will remember the name of the Alameda County District Attorney, and the next time it’s time to vote, if all of you will vote No! No! No! will he be able to call Huey, or no other hero of the People a gangster?

 

[applause]

Huey tried to tell us that we are not powerless. Huey tried to tell us that we are not pawns in some diabolical game that low-minded men play. Huey tried to tell us that the people do have power. The question is, will you stand on your feet and exercise your power?

[applause]

 

I leave you with this. I leave you with this. The oppressed people of the world have a Hall of Fame. In that Hall of Fame there hangs a portrait of DuBois. In that Hall of Fame there stands a portrait of Denmark Vesey. In that Hall of Fame there’s a portait of Nat Turner. In that Hall of Fame there is also a portrait with stars all around it of Huey P. Newton. Yes! Yes! Yes! I go to my seat, but I tell you as I go to my seat: Huey is not dead! Huey still walks the streets of East Oakland. Huey still walks the streets of West Oakland. Huey still walks the streets of North Oakland, and as long as there is a struggle for freedom and dignity, Huey will live and walk among the People!

[applause]

 

Bobby Seale

 

[puts on Black Panther black tam and raises his fist in a Black Power salute]

All Power to the People!

 

[audience: "All Power to the People!']

And as we used to say, “Right On!”

 

[audience" "Right On!]

 

Yeah!

Number One. We want Freedom. We want power to determine our destiny in our own Black communities. That was number one that we wrote, Huey P. Newton and I, in October of 1966 in a War on Poverty office at 55th and Market Street. We had the keys to the place, and we down there, and was using the government’s paper and stuff, and we sit down and we wrote “Number One: We want power to determine our destiny in our own Black community.” We were coming from the whole context of the whole Sixties movement.

 

We were coming from the whole context of having digested and studied that African American and Black people’s history, from Africa all the way up through to where we were. We were coming from and dealing with the whole concept of Power. Brother Stokely Carmichael and many others hit the scene and we started hollering: “Black Power! Black Beautiful Love, and Black Power” And Huey says, “I think we need to develop some kind of functional definition of “Power.” And me and Huey got together–and this is before the Black Panther Party was started–but we got together and we moved around to various black student associations and black student groups from University of California, San Francisco State. We were already at Merritt College [Oakland]. And we had various kinds of discussions with various friends and brothers and sisters in the the black community, including Brother Ron Dellums, there at that time, before he ever ran for political office.

 

And when we got to moving and to beginning to understand, and analyze, and question, and as Huey Newton liked to say, investigate. “He or she who assumes without investigation, nine times out of ten is dead wrong. You got to investigate.” And Huey P. Newton came up, he says, ” Bobby I think I got it–a functional definition of power. Huey says, “Power is the ability to define phenomena, then in turn make it act in a desired manner.” Power is the ability to define phenomena, then in turn make it act in a desired manner. I said, “Right, Huey. I see what you’re talking about.” Be that phenomena found in nature or be that phenomena found in the political, economic and social and human relationships between people and racial groups, or what have you. But power is the ability to define phenomena and make it act in a desired manner. We understood the phenomena, because we took time to dig into our African history. We took time to understand what it meant to be a proud human being. We understood the phenomenon of racism. We understood it in a clearcut, practicing, ongoing, sense. That’s the way we understood it.

 

We went out and we got 5,000 signatures to give to the North Oakland Service Center Board, that we worked for–most people don’t know we worked for the North Oakland Service Center Board at that time for the Department of Human Resources, city government of Oakland. But we went out and got those 5,000 signatures. [applause] We and got those 5,000 signatures calling for a Police Community Review Board–still before the Black Panther Party had even started. We got them 5,000 signatures, and gave them to them, and they tried to get on the city council to get them to set up a Police Community Review Board,. But the phenomenon of the racist mentality that made up the City Council of Oakland, California reject it. We defined the phenomenon as racist. We defined the phenomenon as a rascist city council that runs a police agencies and other government agencies that do not serve the basic desires and needs of the people in the black community. Power is the ability to define phenomena and make it act in a desired manner. That’s Huey’s functional definition of power, and it stands today, it is part of what we go into the future with.

 

Number Two: we wanted full employment for our people.

 

Number Three: We wanted decent housing fit for shelter of human beings

 

Number Four: We wanted decent education that tells us about our true history and the racist nature of this society

 

Number Five: We wanted an end to the corrupt capitalist robbery of our black community.

 

Number Six: We wanted all black men and women to be exempt from military service.

 

Number Seven: We wanted an immediate end to police brutality and murder of black people.

 

Number Eight: We wanted all black brothers and sisters when brought to trial to be tried by jury of peers.

 

And Number Nine: we wanted all black brothers and sisters who had already been tried by an all white jury to have the right to another trial, because they had not had a fair trial.

 

[applause]

And when we finished writing that night, October 1966, we got to Number 10, we said, “well let’s try to sum this up: We said we wanted land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace.” We wrote it down. I said, “Huey, we need something else.” He said, “I think we need something else too. We’ve got to sum up the meaning of this.” I mean this was the founding documentation that Huey and I put together, but we had to figure it out. We had a legal service up there at that North Oakland Neighborhood Services where we worked there. And Huey was always into books, always researching certain laws and stuff like this here. And I was reading something one day, I says, “Huey, come here!” I said, “looky here; look at this document.” He says, “Oh, yeah!” He’d read this document before. And we read and read and read. “…say this document is the thing that should sum up our ten point platform and program here. Right! That’s what we should do.” I said, “Right!” I said, “man this … if you think about what this document is saying here–it ain’t talking about racial separation.” I said, “ain’t talking about all that stuff…” I said, “it’s talking about human needs to change things.” And that document goes like this– the way we summed up that Ten Point Platform and Program:

“When in the course of Human Events it becomes necessary for one people to separate themselves from the political bondage which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind dictate that they should declare the causes which impel them to that separation.”

 

Hold on! There was a second paragraph there! There was a second paragraph there!”

 

And beyond the words…and deed, etcetera, there was one specific line–a sentence or two–that Huey and I was extremely interested in, that truly attracted us as why we used that document. And Huey said, “this is the point here,” and it went like this:

 

“When a long train of abuses and usurpations pursues and invariably evinces a design to reduce a people under absolute despotism, then it is the right of the People to alter or change that government and to provide New Guards for their future security and happiness.”

 

Declaration of Independence, United States of America!

 

[applause]

 

Huey and I went out there. I followed Huey, I loved Huey. I understood his insights. I mean, Huey would stand and say, articulate dialectical materialism…I could understand to communicate what was happening. You know, I was a stage person, I’d been a jazz drummer, I’d been a standup comedian, I’d worked at Kaiser aerospace and electronics on the Gemini missle project. But here was J. Edgar Hoover and Ronald Reagan, then, trying to call me and Huey a bunch of hoodlums and thugs. Said nothing about the fact that Huey had already graduated from Merritt College. Said nothing about the fact that Huey had put another year in law school. Said nothing about the fact that all the community work and community service Huey had already done before we created the Black Panther Party. Said nothing about that the fact that I’d been a stand-up comedian and a jazz drummer. Said nothing about the fact that my father had raised me to be a carpenter and a builder [and] was an architect by the time I was 18. Said nothing about the fact that Huey’s mother and my mother taught us to share and share alike and to do unto others as you would have others do unto you. They said nothing about that! But we gonna a move on up; we gonna get on to the future. Because Huey used to say, in dialectics, everything is a forward movement, and is about the future. It is about our youth.

 

In fact, I work at Temple University, I live in Philadelphia…but I’m saying, even in this context… The last time I saw brother Huey, five and a half or so years ago, right here…in Oakland, California, we spent a day together, meeting a lot of brothers and sisters, shaking hands, running around to different communities, because it was good for people to see us, and rap and talk together. I talked to him a bit. I mentioned the fact that we needed to create a Black Panther Party, a Black Panter archive or community education institute of some kind. And he say, “Yeah.” He says “Bobby,” he says “you are one of the best organizers I ever was associated with.” And I says, “I’m gonna do that some day.” And I’ve been working hard to do that, and doing different kinds of things to raise funds, but my point is the African American Panthers Archival Institute, Community Education Archival Institute, I’m going to attempt to initiate the first framework in Philidelphia. Talk to brother Bobby Rush to initiate another framework in Chicago, and all the brothers and sisters here, David [David Hilliard] here and the rest of the Black Panther Party members, I want you to pull together, and we going to work together, and across this nation…and we want to all set up the framework of the African American Panthers Archival Institute, Community Education Archival Institute, right here in Oakland, California.

 

[applause]

 

Hold on! Hold on!

 

Because you brothers and sisters, those breakfast programs, those preventative medical health care clinics, those sickle cell anemia testing programs…do you realize, did anyone ever tell you all, that the Black Panther Party…the Black Panther Party, all the way from Boston back, we tested over 1 1/2 million black people for for sickle cell anemia in the United States of America, and that was more testing then all government agencies, hospitals and clinics put together throughout the United States!

 

I mean, looky here: the spirit of Huey P. Newton, you know, the spirit of Huey P. Newton was greater than the Man’s technology. And what he meant by that: You, the People, the People’s spirit, the spirit of the People, is always greater than the Man’s technology. Power to the People, brothers and sisters, I love you.

 

[applause]

Reverend Cecil Williams

I know you are wondering why I am standing over here. This is Dr. Smith’s pulpit. First of all, let me say that I am thankful for the church. [applause] I am thankful for the church in the black communities and the poor communities of America. I am thankful for Allen Temple Baptist Church.

About a year ago, a year and a half ago, Huey called me up and said I want to talk to you about something, brother. And I said, “OK.” So he came over; “we set the time and he came over. And I said to myself, “what does Huey want now?” Here he comes. And when he walked in, we embraced each other. And he sat down, and he said, “I want to know, can you make me a minister?” I said, “I’m a united Methodist, how can I…?” He said, “No, No, No! Can you put your hands on me? Anoint me, so I can go on and start preaching?” I said, “No, man, my bishop, my boss…I don’t have that kind of authority. I don’t have that kind of authority!” He said, “Well, I want to be a preacher, a minister!” So we talked for a long time. He also checked around with other ministers. I don’t know what happened. But Huey…I came here to say to you, that we are here to anoint you today as our minister, you see… A preacher!

[applause]

Now, if you don’t understand what a preacher is, listen to this:

In the year that king Josiah died, I saw the Lord, and he was sitting on a lofty throne, and the temple was filled with his glory. Hovering about him were mighty, six-winged angels of fire. With two of their wings, they covered their face, with two others they covered their feet, and with two others, they flew in a great, almighty expression, dramatization. The whole earth is full with His Glory. Such singing as you’ve never heard before. Such clapping as you’ve never heard before. (I’m using a little of my stuff now) Such shouting as you’ve never heard before. And all of a sudden, he said, “Then I said–when the room…the temple was filled with smoke–then I said, “My doom is sealed, for I am a foul-mouthed sinner, a member of a sinful, foul-mouthed race, and I have looked upon the King, the Lord of Heaven’s armies. Then one of the mighty angels flew over to the alter, and with a pair of tongs, picked out a burning coal. And he touched my lips, and said, “Now you are pronounced NOT GUILTY! Because this coal has touched your lips, your sins are forgiven.” And then I heard the Lord saying, “When shall I send as a messenger to my people? Who will go? And I said, “Lord…” Wait a minute… I said, “Lord…Lord, I’ll go! Send me!”

And I can hear Huey Newton today saying, “Lord! Here am I! Send me to the people! Let me be your messenger.” And the scripture goes on to say: Yeah, but they won’t hear you, and they’ll turn their backs upon you. And he said, “Let me go on anyway! I want to be your messenger. I want to tell a story. I want to tell the story of my people. I want to make sure that the ground is sound, and I want to make sure that the eyes are open. I want to make sure that ears are open. I want to make sure that minds which are closed will be open. I want to make sure about life being lived in a new way, where the oppressed are not oppressed anymore. I want to live and help other people live.” And they said, “OK. Go on. Go on.” And Huey went on.

Now, here is the…here’s the critical thing: What is a messenger? Is it…let me…see when your lips and tongue have been touched with hot tongs, with a hot, burning cinder, you wonder, what’s going on here. Well, let me tell you something… Why do you think Ron Dellums can speak the way he speaks? Why do you think that Elaine Brown can speak and sing the way she speaks and sings? Why do you think that Melvin Newton can talk his talk and speak the way he speaks? Why do you think that Frank Pinkard and Father Earl , and Dr. Smith, and his son, here… Why do you think that black folks can speak the way they speak? It is because we have had the fire touch our tongues and our lips, and we are on fire from the inside. And why do you get on fire from the inside? It’s because we have come to understand that conditions get hard and worse sometimes. That we lost in many ways, but we knew we had to win, we had to gain. So we kept on in the midnight hours, when mothers and grandmothers would call to the children and say, “We got to get away, but we’ll be back one of these days!” It’s that kind of thrust that helps us to be on fire from the inside. And you want to know what a messenger is? A messenger is one who speaks with fire. Ron [Dellums] just said to me, “When the brothers and sisters get to talking, they really show how angry they are.” That’s part of it. When you get up, you can’t stand up and be chilled out, and cool, and calm. Let me tell you something: what you got to come to understand, is that when you’ve been through trials and tribulations, and when you’ve been pushed aside and humiliated, and dogged, and talked about, you can’t sit there and be cool, and walk around and say everything’s alright. You’ve got to stand up, shout sometime. You’ve to sing sometime, and let the temple, the church be full of His Glory…full of His Glory.

Now, let me go to the New Testament here real quick…because if you don’t understand this, you don’t understand what Huey was about. Fourth chapter…listen to this…fourth chapter, beginning at about the 18th or 19th verse…listen to this: “The spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach Good News to the poor. He has sent me to heal the broken hearted, and to announce the captives shall be released, and the blind shall see, and the downtrodden shall be freed from their oppression. And that God is ready to give blessing to all that will come to him. The spirit of the Lord moves in mysterious places and affects all kinds of messengers, but I can tell you this, that for those of us who know the Church, and those of us who know the community, and those of us who respond to people, we know that the spirit of the Lord has come [recording skip]…never thought that we’d be uplifted. The spirit of the Lord has moved us out, so we can make sure that in the walking with Huey, and the understanding of Huey, that we begin to feed people, that we begin to make sure that health care is there, and that we visit people in the jail, in fact, Huey did a lot of visiting in the jail, didn’t he? The important thing is, we gotta know that there are people out there who are blind and lame, and people who can’t hear, and people who are dysfunctional, but what we got to do is move out with the spirit. We got to let the spirit contain us and move us and take us on.

Now, finally, the captors (?). What do we need relieving from? What do we…first of all, we need relieving from oppression. We need relieving from that which holds us back. We need relieving from that which keeps us down. We need our minds and our hearts and our spirits changed. We need it at this time as a black people and a poor people, to go on and not ever give up. We got to let the spirit be that which moves us from our captivity by which we are caught. And finally, let me say this: if the spirit of the Lord is upon me, the spirit of the Lord was upon Huey Newton, because it was the spirit of the Lord who made him a preacher. Now, he may not know it…now, you know, he didn’t have…he didn’t have…he didn’t have a credential degrees of being a minister. He didn’t need those degrees. He had his degrees. When he went to jail, he got a degree. When fed the People, he got a degree. When he stood with those who were about to give up, and knew that they were suffering severely in the projects, he got a degree. When he marched (alone?) with the Panthers up to Sacramento, you got a degree. I’m telling you, the degrees were his.

So, you have been anointed a long time ago, Huey. And what I want to do is let you know that we’d like to make sure that the word goes with you, and we want to make sure there’s a bible that goes with you, because you embraced the word, and the word embraced you. You are the messenger(s). Now, one thing, folks, don’t just sit…come in here today and be stirred up and go on about your business tomorrow. We can’t do that to Huey. We can’t do that to the spirit of those who’ve gone on before us. Somebody said to me a few minutes ago, outside said, “You mean to tell me that all the leaders are gone?” Don’t you know that everybody is a leader in the black community? [applause] They don’t understand that. And let me say this, that you can’t sit back on your laurels, and just look up and say, “Send it to me, Lord.” You got to get out there in the vinyard and you got to plow deep. You got to plant the seed. You got to touch the babies. You got to make sure that those are addicted and mothers who are suffering addiction in the black community, that they don’t create genocide with crack cocaine in the black community. That we give life at this time, rather than death.

It’s time for us, my brothers and sisters, to know that the spirit is moving us, the messengers are here. You are the messengers. I’m telling you now, it’s time for us to stand up. What time is it? It’s time to stand up. What TIME is it? [audience: Time to stand up!] Time to stand up! What TIME is it? [audience: Time to stand up!] Time to stand up! Huey P. Newton got the clock and turned the time at a fast rate, and said to America: You got to stop racism and sexism, and you got to stop classism. And what we are trying to do is make sure that that clock doesn’t get turned back by society. It’s time for us to turn the clock. …[recording skip] What do you do with your time? You stand up! What do you do with your time? You stand up! Are you a messenger? Yes, I’m a messenger! Is the spirit on you today? Yes!, the spirit’s on me! If the spirit’s on you, then you’ll do something about it. Amen!

 

Congressman Ron Dellums

This moment is not something that I have sought, but this is a moment that people have asked me to embrace. The last three weeks have been very painful and terrible time in my life. This is the seventh funeral in three weeks. Sandrai (?) Swanson’s brother died saving some other human being; the brother I never had died in Ethiopia– Micky Leland and my staff died in Ethiopia, and other people died in Ethiopia. Huey Newton died on the streets of Oakland. I just briefly want to say that remember in 1966, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale and others tried to remind America of its violence: the violence of war, the violence of police brutality, the violence of poverty, racism, sexism, chauvenism, and all forms of oppression. And it’s ironic, tragically ironic, that the very same streets that Huey tried to make safe for the children, are the streets that took his life. But all over this country there are mothers dying and…mothers crying and children dying.

My final comment to you is the tribute to Huey ought to be this: as it is a tribute to Mickey Leland ought to be this. The tribute to John George, and Bobby Seale and and others ought to be this. We ought to go to Washington by the tens of thousands, the way the Chinese students went to Bejing. I sat here listening very carefully to everybody. But I’ve been in Washington eighteen and a half years, and this is the most propitious moment to stand up, not to take a march to Washington for one day.. but [recording skip] to go to Washington for the long haul. Bush said to the Chinese government, I am sorry that you didn’t negotiate with the Chinese students. Why don’t hundreds of thousands of you go to Washington, D.C. and say, “Negotiate with me to end poverty, drug addiction, pain, human misery, war, death and destruction?”

[applause]

As I said before, it’s not fun going to work every day now. We’re talking about honorariums and ethics bills and Jim Wright, and what have you. But it would be an honor to go to work, stepping over several hundred thousand of you coming to Washington D.C. to right the wrongs, to challenge the evil, and to make this old world a better place for our children and our children’s children. That would be a testimony to Huey P. Newton.

[applause]

 

Copyright Information

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Black Panthers Speak about Criminal Injustice

Black Panthers Speak about Criminal Injustice

This newsreel footage features interviews with Huey P. Newton (from Alameda County Jail), Eldridge Cleaver, and Bobby Seale. The footage also includes scenes from a Black panther rally at Hutton Memorial Park demanding the release of Mr. Newton. In this film, Huey Newton discusses the police brutality that so many Black people experience and calls for equal treatment for blacks within the criminal legal system. Bobby Seale outlines the 10 point of the Black Panther Party Program which are: 1) Freedom; 2) Full Employment; 3) Decent Housing; 4) End of Robbery of Black Communities by Whites; 5) Education, 6) Exemption of Blacks from Military Service; 7) End police brutality and murder of blacks; 8) All Blacks to be released from jail and prison; 9) Fair Trials; 10) Land, Bread, Housing, & Education.

Black August: All eyes on us

August 3, 2011

from the cell of Comrade Bobby Dixon, Minister of Justice, NABPP-PC

Editor’s note: Bobby Dixon called as the Bay View was going to press to say that he and some comrades at CMF are still on hunger strike. They are planning to commemorate this Black August more seriously than ever and are encouraging all prisoners to refuse meals on Aug. 7, 21 and 30, as he explains below.

All eyes are on us. All elders must remain focused on the youth during the month of BLACK AUGUST and come with strong teaching.

The July 18 rally in Sacramento to demand the state negotiate in good faith with the hunger strikers drew an impressive crowd. That’s Black Panther veteran and revolutionary artist Emory Douglas with the sign.

From behind enemy lines in the belly of the beast – in the California state prison system, which is part of the Amerikan injustice system – I greet you and call your attention to the annual commemoration of Black August. I invite you fellow prisoners and families through the world to join us in honoring our beloved martyrs with fasting, study, sharing Panther love and knowledge in the spirit of Hasan Shakur, Oscar Grant, Sean Bell and Gus Rugley, Jonathan Jackson and all who have laid down their lives in the struggle to give humanity a brighter future.

Comrade George Jackson was a founder and the field marshal of the original Black Panther Party Prison Chapter, who was gunned down in the yard by guards at San Quentin, and Hasan Shakur was the original minister of human rights of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party Prison Chapter (NABPP-PC), who was executed by the state of Texas for a crime he did not commit.

We also remember our comrade Oscar Grant, a 22-year-old Afrikan man whom the Oakland police handcuffed behind his back, forcing him to lay face down on a subway platform, and then shot him in the back. This cold blooded murder was caught on cell phone videos and millions have seen it on the internet.

People in Oakland immediately took to the streets in righteous protest and protests continue. This has become a symbol of the continuing national oppression in “post-racist” Amerika. This must stop! And we must move beyond protest to make revolution and advance society to communism.

We shed tears for our fallen comrades and for the masses brutally victimized by the racist, fascist, murdering police. We have a right to cry over our dead – for every life is precious beyond measure. This loss of each who has been killed by the oppressor in this land of our exile and enslavement is intolerable. We consecrate this month to those who have been taken from us but who will never be forgotten – for the love of freedom which their lives were dedicated to.

Our grief is real, and so is our determination to continue the struggle until all are free and the oppression of our people is no more. Our grief and our pain make us more human and give us more strength because it is based upon love. Our love fuels our determination to win our liberation in this century.

We are to also be in solidarity this Black August with all the state of Georgia prisoners who went on the biggest prison strike and protest in U.S. history that took place from Dec. 9-16, 2010, in the Georgia state prison system.

As minister of justice, my message to all the members of the NABPP-PC is long live the Panther! Empower yourselves: Don’t fear freedom. And empower yourselves to know that violence is not the answer. Yes there are too many uncommitted comrades. We must learn how not to draw violence from the evil beast who is our real enemy.

Now, as comrades, have we stopped to think about how we have allowed the evil enemy to destroy and murder other comrades with the power of their tongue? My case and point is to reach one teach one to guard your tongue.

To clear our minds, I propose that we eat one meal a day throughout the month of August – and fast completely on Aug. 7 in honor of Jonathan Jackson, again on Aug. 21 in honor of George Jackson and again on Aug. 31 in honor of Hasan Shakur and all other true revolutionary comrades who have fallen in the struggle.

On these three fast days, we should be quiet and contemplative and throughout August we should study and abstain from watching TV and listening to the radio with the exception of educational programming.

During this month, the veterans of the struggle and elders among us are to make a very special serious effort to reach out to the youth and teach our history and the lessons of our people’s struggle. And not allow our youth to feel all alone in the world.

We should strengthen our commitment to practicing Panther Love and throw away old grudges and resentments and initiate new friendships. We draw those around us closer and build the bonds of brotherhood and sisterhood between us.

Besides fasting, comrades should work out and get a little physical exercise and strive to put mind, body and spirit in balance. Some texts I recommend for study are:

• “Revolutionary Notes” by Julius Lester

• “Race and Ideology: Language, Symbolism and Popular Culture,” edited by Arthur K. Spears

• “The 48 Laws of Power” by Robert Greene and Joost Elffers

• “The Isis Papers: The Keys to the Colors” by Dr. Frances Cress Welsing

• “The Rape of the American Constitution” by Chuck Shiver

• “How to Make Black America Better,” compiled and edited by Tavis Smiley

To all who shall inherit the future

The world is a huge place. Let your minds become one with understanding. Many things can occur and time is bound by no structure. The days upon this planet have caused the growth of a useful resource called “knowledge.”

To seek such knowledge comes with a great cost. Many have failed in the attempt to obtain true knowledge. The true accomplishments of life require the true knowledge contained within this planet.

My objective to you is the comfort of success. If any shall seek to correspond or further their enlightenment, send me a message. Please beware of misinterpretation along the path of success.

This letter has been caused by the Almighty. This is also fashioned for the heart. Do not give more than desired from within the heart. And always let righteousness be your guide.

Send our brother some love and light: Bobby Dixon, C-41652, CMF, H-209L, P.O. Box 2000, Vacaville CA 95696.

Black August

Black August

August 10, 2009

BY MARILYN BUCK

Would you hang on a cliff’s edge

sword-sharp, slashing fingers
while jackboot screws stomp heels
on peeled-flesh bones
and laugh
“let go! die, damn you, die!”
could you hang on
20 years, 30 years?

20 years, 30 years and more
brave Black brothers buried
in US koncentration kamps
they hang on
Black light shining in torture chambers
Ruchell, Yogi, Sundiata, Sekou,
Warren, Chip, Seth, Herman, Jalil,
and more and more
they resist: Black August

Nat Turner insurrection chief executed: Black August
Jonathan, George dead in battle’s light: Black August
Fred Hampton, Black Panthers, African Brotherhood murdered: Black August
Kuwasi Balagoon, Nuh Abdul Quyyam captured warriors dead: Black August
Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, Ella Baker, Ida B. Wells
Queen Mother Moore – their last breaths drawn fighting death: Black August

Black August: watchword
for Black liberation for human liberation
sword to sever the shackles

light to lead children of every nation to safety
Black August remembrance
resist the amerikkan nightmare
for life

Marilyn Buck
#00482-285
Unit A
5701 8th St. Camp Parks
Dublin, CA 94568

Black August

Black August

August 10, 2009

BY MARILYN BUCK

Would you hang on a cliff’s edge

sword-sharp, slashing fingers
while jackboot screws stomp heels
on peeled-flesh bones
and laugh
“let go! die, damn you, die!”
could you hang on
20 years, 30 years?

20 years, 30 years and more
brave Black brothers buried
in US koncentration kamps
they hang on
Black light shining in torture chambers
Ruchell, Yogi, Sundiata, Sekou,
Warren, Chip, Seth, Herman, Jalil,
and more and more
they resist: Black August

Nat Turner insurrection chief executed: Black August
Jonathan, George dead in battle’s light: Black August
Fred Hampton, Black Panthers, African Brotherhood murdered: Black August
Kuwasi Balagoon, Nuh Abdul Quyyam captured warriors dead: Black August
Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, Ella Baker, Ida B. Wells
Queen Mother Moore – their last breaths drawn fighting death: Black August

Black August: watchword
for Black liberation for human liberation
sword to sever the shackles

light to lead children of every nation to safety
Black August remembrance
resist the amerikkan nightmare
for life

Marilyn Buck
#00482-285
Unit A
5701 8th St. Camp Parks
Dublin, CA 94568

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Women of the Black Panther Party – Education 101, Parts 1 & 2 …

Women of the Black Panther Party – Education 101, Parts 1 & 2 ….

by Malaika H Kambon on Sunday, August 7, 2011 at 3:05pm

7 August 2011

 

While respecting and commemorating 7 August 2011 as the 41st year after the Marin County Courthouse Rebellion, we may also reflect upon the strength of AFRIKAN Women in general, and AFRIKAN Women of the BPP in particular through the following photographs.

 

Also, save the date 21 August 2011 for the event, ‘Remember the Fighting Spirit of George and Jonathan Jackson,” to be held at Eastside Arts, in Oakland.

 

 

Sisters on the Front Line – “Sisters did it ALL in the BPP” BJ

“Teachable Moment” – RAMPARTS Magazine, 1968 “Sister Arlene is all in the face of this chick, who got her ass kicked by the Sisters. Don’t mess with a Panther Sister, they will bring it.” – Billy X, BJ

Remembering George Jackson – 21 August 2011

4 Struggle Magazine

4 Struggle Magazinehttp://www.scribd.com/embeds/61862952/content?start_page=1&view_mode=list&access_key=key-zv3tsm512d9b5yp8qfw//

40th Anniversary – Marin Courthouse Rebellion

40th Anniversary – Marin Courthouse Rebellion

by Break the Chains on Saturday, August 7, 2010 at 11:13pm

To the Man-Child, Tall, evil, graceful,
brighteyed, black man-child ­ Jonathan Peter
Jackson ­ who died on August 7, 1970, courage in
one hand, assault rifle in the other; my brother,
comrade, friend ­ the true revolutionary, the
black communist guerrilla in the highest state of
development, he died on the trigger, scourge of
the unrighteous, soldier of the people; to this
terrible man-child and his wonderful mother
Georgia Bea, to Angela Y. Davis, my tender
experience, I dedicate this collection of
letters; to the destruction of their enemies I dedicate my life.

George L. Jackson

August 7, 1970, just a few days after George
Jackson was transferred to San Quentin, the case
was catapulted to the forefront of national news
when his brother, Jonathan, a seventeen-year-old
high school student in Pasadena, staged a raid on
the Marin County courthouse with a satchelful of
handguns, an assault rifle, and a shotgun hidden
under his coat. Educated into a political
revolutionary by George, Jonathan invaded the
court during a hearing for three black San
Quentin inmates, not including his brother, and
handed them weapons. As he left with the inmates
and five hostages, including the judge, Jonathan
demanded that the Soledad Brothers be released
within thirty minutes. In the shootout that
ensued, Jonathan was gunned down. Of Jonathan,
George wrote, “He was free for a while. I guess
that’s more than most of us can expect.”

***********************************************

Ruchell Cinque Magee: Sole Survivor Still

by Mumia Abu-Jamal

Slavery is being practiced by the system under
color of law – Slavery 400 years ago, slavery
today; it’s the same thing, but with a new name.
They’re making millions and millions of dollars
enslaving Blacks, poor whites, and others -
people who don’t even know they’re being railroaded. — Ruchell Cinque Magee
(from radio interview with Kiilu Nyasha, “Freedom
is a Constant Struggle,” KPFA-FM, 12 August 1995)

If you were asked to name the longest held
political prisoner in the United States, what would your answer be?

Most would probably reply “Geronimo ji jaga
(Pratt),” “Sundiata Acoli”, or “Sekou Odinga” –
all 3 members of the Black Panther Party or
soldiers of the Black Liberation Army, who have
been encaged for their political beliefs or
principled actions for decades. Some would point
to Lakota leader, Leonard Peltier, who struggled
for the freedom of Native peoples, thereby
incurring the enmity of the US Government, who
framed him in a 1975 double murder trial. Those
answers would be good guesses, for all of these
men have spent hellified years in state and
federal dungeons, but here’s a man who has spent more.

Ruchell C. Magee arrived in Los Angeles,
California in 1963, and wasn’t in town for six
months before he and a cousin, Leroy, were
arrested on the improbable charges of kidnap and
robbery, after a fight with a man over a woman
and a $10 bag of marijuana. Magee, in a slam-dunk
“trial,” was swiftly convicted and swifter still sentenced to life.

Magee, politicized in those years, took the name
of the African freedom fighter, Cinque, who, with
his fellow captives seized control of the slave
ship, the Amistad, and tried to sail back to
Africa. Like his ancient namesake, Cinque would
also fight for his freedom from legalized
slavery, and for 7 long years he filed writ after
writ, learning what he calls “guerrilla law”,
honing it as a tool for liberation of himself and
his fellow captives. But California courts, which
could care less about the alleged “rights” of a
young Black man like Magee, dismissed his petitions willy-nilly.

In August, 1970, MaGee appeared as a witness in
the assault trial of James McClain, a man charged
with assaulting a guard after San Quentin guards
murdered a Black prisoner, Fred Billingsley.
McClain, defending himself, presented imprisoned
witnesses to expose the racist and repressive
nature of prisons. In the midst of MaGee’s
testimony, a 17 year old young Black man with a
huge Afro hairdo, burst into the courtroom, heavily armed.

Jonathan Jackson shouted “Freeze!” Tossing
weapons to McClain, William Christmas, and a
startled Magee, who given his 7 year hell where
no judge knew the meaning of justice, joined the
rebellion on the spot. The four rebels took the
judge, the DA and three jurors hostage, and
headed for a radio station where they were going
to air the wretched prison conditions to the
world, as well as demand the immediate release of
a group of political prisoners, know that The
Soledad Brothers (these were John Cluchette,
Fleeta Drumgo, and Jonathan’s oldest brother,
George). While the men did not hurt any of their
hostages, they did not reckon on the state’s ruthlessness.

Before the men could get their van out of the
court house parking lot, prison guards and
sheriffs opened furious fire on the vehicle,
killing Christmas, Jackson, McClain as well as
the judge. The DA was permanently paralyzed by
gun fire. Miraculously, the jurors emerged
relatively unscratched, although Magee, seriously
wounded by gunfire, was found unconscious.

Magee, who was the only Black survivor of what
has come to be called “The August 7th Rebellion,”
would awaken to learn he was charged with murder,
kidnapping and conspiracy, and further, he would
have a co-defendant, a University of California
Philosophy Professor, and friend of Soledad
Brother, George L. Jackson, named Angela Davis, who faced identical charges.

By trial time the cases were severed, with Angela
garnering massive support leading to her 1972 acquittal on all charges.

Magee’s trial did not garner such broad support,
yet he boldly advanced the position that as his
imprisonment was itself illegal, and a form of
unjustifiable slavery, he had the inherent right
to escape such slavery, an historical echo of the
position taken by the original Cinque, and his
fellow captives, who took over a Spanish slave
ship, killed the crew (except for the pilot) and
tried to sail back to Africa. The pilot
surreptitiously steered the Amistad to the US
coast, and when the vessel was seized by the US,
Spain sought their return to slavery in Cuba.
Using natural and international law principals,
US courts decided they captives had every right
to resist slavery and fight for their freedom.

Unfortunately, Magee’s jury didn’t agree,
although it did acquit on at least one kidnapping
charge. The court dismissed on the murder charge,
and Magee has been battling for his freedom every since.

That he is still fighting is a tribute to a truly
remarkable man, a man who knows what slavery is,
and more importantly, what freedom means.

FREE CINQUE !!

May 27, 1997 © 1997 Mumia Abu-Jamal – All Rights Reserved
****************************************************************

From the Forward to Soledad Brother (1994) By Jonathan Jackson, Jr.

I was born eight and a half months after my
father, Jonathan Jackson, was shot down on August
7, 1970, at the Marin County Courthouse, when he
tried to gain the release of the Soledad Brothers
by taking hostages. Before and especially after
that day, Uncle George kept in constant contact
with my mother by writing from his cell in San
Quentin. (The Department of Corrections wouldn’t
put her on the visitors’ list.) During George’s
numerous trial appearances for the Soledad
Brothers case, Mom would lift me above the crowd
so he could see me. Consistently, we would
receive a letter a few days later. For a single
mother with son, alone and in the middle of both
controversy and not a little unwarranted trouble
with the authorities, those messages of strength
were no doubt instrumental in helping her carry
on. No matter how oppressive his situation
became, George always had time to lend his spirit to the people he cared for.

A year and two weeks after the revolutionary
takeover in Marin, George was ruthlessly murdered
by prison guards at San Quentin. Both he and my
father left me a great deal: pride, history, an
unmistakable name. My experience has been at once
wonderful and incredibly difficult. My life is
not consumed by the Jackson legacy, but my charge
is an accepted and cherished piece of my
existence. It is out of my responsibility to my
legacy that I have come to write this Foreword to my uncle’s prison writings.

Today I read my inherited letters often ­ those
written from George to my mother with a dull
pencil on prison stationery. They are things of
beauty, my most valuable possessions, passionate
pieces of writing that have few rivals in the
modern era. They will remain unpublished.
However, the letters of Soledad Brother
demonstrate the same insight and eloquence ­ the
way George’s writings make his personal
experience universal is the mainstay of his brilliance.

When this collection of letters was first
released in 1969, it brought a young
revolutionary to the forefront of a tempest, a
tempest characterized by the Black Power, free
speech, and antiwar movements, accompanied by a
dissatisfaction with the status quo throughout
the United States. With unflinching directness,
George Jackson conveyed an intelligent yet
accessible message with his trademark style,
rational rage. He illuminated previously hidden
viewpoints and feelings that disenfranchised
segments of the population were unable to
articulate: the poor, the victimized, the
imprisoned, the disillusioned. George spoke in a
revolutionary voice that they had no idea
existed. He was the prominent figure of true
radical thought and practice during the period,
and when he was assassinated, much of the
movement died along with him. But George Jackson
cannot and will not ever leave. His life and
thoughts serve as the message ­ George himself is the revolution.

The reissue of Soledad Brother at this point in
time is essential. It appears that the nineties
are going to be a telling decade in U.S. history.
The signposts of systemic breakdown are as
glaringly obvious as they were in the sixties:
unrest manifesting itself in inner-city turmoil,
widespread rise of violence in the culture, and
international oppression to legitimize a state in
crisis. The fact that imprisonments in California
have more than tripled over the last decade,
supported by the public, is merely one sign of
societal decomposition. That systemic change
occurred during the sixties is a myth. The United
States in the nineties faces strikingly analogous
problems. George spoke to the issues of his day,
but conditions now are so similar that this work
could have been written last month. It is
imperative that George be heard, whether by the
angry but unchanneled young or by the cynical and
worldly mature. The message must be carried
farther than where he bravely left it in August of 1971.

Over the past twenty-five years, why has George
Jackson not been an integral part of mainstream
consciousness? He has been and still is
underexposed, reduced to simplistic terms, and
ultimately misunderstood. Racial and conspiracy
theory aside, there are rational reasons for his
exclusion. They stem not only from the hard-line
revolutionary aspects of George’s philosophy, but
more importantly from the nature of the political
system that he existed in and under.

Howard Zinn has pointed out in A People’s History
of the United States that “the history of any
country, presented as the history of a family,
conceals fierce conflicts of interest (sometimes
exploding, most often repressed) between
conquerors and conquered, masters and slaves,
capitalists and workers, dominators and
dominated.” U.S. history is essentially that type
of hidden history. Without denying important
mitigating factors, the United States of today is
strongly linked to the values and premises on
which it was founded. That is, it is a settler
colony founded primarily on two basic pillars,
upheld by the Judeo-Christian tradition: genocide
of indigenous peoples and slave labor in support
of a capitalist infrastructure. Although the
Bible repeatedly exalts mass slaughter and
oppression, Judeo-Christian morality is publicly
held to be inconsistent with them. This
dissonance, evident within the nation’s structure
from the beginning, informs the state’s first
function: to oversimplify and minimize immoral
events in order to legitimize history and the
state’s very existence simultaneously.

Ironically, traditional Judeo-Christian morality
is a perfect vehicle for genocide, slavery, and
territorial expansion. As a logical progression
from biblical example, expansion and imperialism
culminated in the United States with the concept
of Manifest Destiny, which held that it was the
colonists’ inherent right to expand and conquer.
Further it was a duty, the “white man’s burden,”
to save the “natives,” to attempt to convert all
heathens encountered. Protestant Calvinism
provided a set of ethics that fit perfectly with
the colonists’ conquests. Max Weber, in his
definitive study on religion, The Sociology of
Religion, wrote, “Calvinism held that the
unsearchable God possessed good reasons for
having distributed the gifts of fortune
unevenly”; it “represented as God’s will [the
Calvinists'] domination over the sinful world.
Clearly this and other features of Protestantism,
such as its rationalization of the existence of a
lower class,
http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/soledadbro.html#NOT01
were not only the bases for the formation of the
United States, but still prominently exist today.
“One must go to the ethics of ascetic
Protestantism,” Weber asserts, “to find any
ethical sanction for economic rationalism and for
the entrepreneur.” When a nation can’t admit to
the process through which it builds hegemony, how
can anything but delusion be a reality? “The
monopoly of truth, including historical truth,”
stated Daniel Singer in a lecture at Evergreen
State College (Washington) in 1987, “is implied in the monopoly of power.”

Clearly, objective history is an impossibility.
This understood, the significant problem lies in
how the general population defines the term;
history implies that truth is being told. It is
an unfortunate fact that history is unfailingly
written by the victors, which in the case of the
United States are not only the original
imperialists, but the majority of the “founding
fathers,” dedicated to uniting and strengthening
the existing mercantile class among disjointed
colonies. There can be no doubt that from the
creation of this young nation, history as a
created and perceived entity moved further and
further away from the objective ideal. Genocide,
necessary for “the development of the modern
capitalist economy,” according to Howard Zinn,
was rationalized as a reaction to the fear of
Indian savages. Slavery was similarly construed.

The personalization of history, the process by
which we construct heroes and pariahs, is a
consequence of its dialectical nature. Without
fail, an odd paradox is created around someone
who, by virtue of his or her actions, becomes
prominent enough to warrant the designation
“historical figure.” There is a leap on the part
of the general public, sparked by the media, to
another mindset. Sensational deeds are glorified,
horrible acts reviled. A few points are selected
as defining characteristics. The media,
conforming to their restrictions of concision
(which make accuracy nearly impossible to
attain), reiterate these points over and over.
Schools and textbooks not only teach these points
but drill them into young minds. Howard Zinn
comments that “this learned sense of moral
proportion, coming from the apparent objectivity
of the scholar, is accepted more easily than when
it comes from politicians at press conferences. It is therefore more deadly.”

A few tidbits, factual or not, incomplete and
selective, are used to describe the entirety of a
person’s existence. They become part of
mainstream consciousness. We therefore know that
Lincoln freed the slaves, Malcolm X was a black
extremist, and Hitler was solely responsible for
World War II and the Holocaust. All half-truths
go unexplained, all fallacies go unchallenged, as
they appear to make perfect sense to the
everyday, noncritically thinking American. The
paradox has been created: The more famous a
person becomes, the more misunderstood he or she
is. This accepted occurrence is incredibly
counterintuitive: the public should know more,
not less, about a noteworthy individual and the
sociopolitical dynamics surrounding him or her.

This historical mythicization is not, for the
most part, a consciously created phenomenon. The
media don’t go out of their way to mislead the
public by constructing false heroes and
emphasizing the mundane. Fewer “dimly lit
conferences” take place than conspiracy theorists
believe. It is the existing political system that
is responsible for the information that reaches
the general public. The state’s control of
information created the system, and it
continually re-creates it. Propagated by
schooling and the media, information that reaches
the public is subject to three chief mechanisms
of state control: denial, self-censorship, and imprisonment.

Denial is the easiest control mechanism, and
therefore the most common. If events do not
follow the state’s agenda or its ecumenical
ideology and might bring unrest, they are denied.
Examples are plentiful: prewar state terrorism
against the people of North and South Vietnam and
later the bombing of Cambodia; government funding
and military aid to the Nicaraguan Contras; and
support of UNITA and South Africa in the virtual
destruction of Angola, among many others.

Denial goes hand in hand with self-censorship.
The media emphasize certain personal
characteristics and events and de-emphasize
others, in a pattern that supports U.S. hegemony.
The information that reached the public after the
U.S. invasion of Panama in 1989 is telling. It
was not until much later, after the heat of
controversy, that the average citizen had access
to the scope of the devastation. The
effectiveness of self-censorship in this case was
maximized, as the full details of the Panama
invasion were patchwork for years.

While we may assume that the media have an
obligation to accurately convey such an event to
the public, the media in fact perpetuate the
government’s position by engaging in their own
self-censorship. Noam Chomsky points out in
Deterring Democracy, “With a fringe of exceptions
­ mostly well after the tasks had been
accomplished ­ the media rallied around the flag
with due piety and enthusiasm, funnelling the
most absurd White House tales to the public while
scrupulously refraining from asking the obvious
questions, or seeing the obvious facts.”

Denial and self-censorship create a comfort zone
for the U.S. citizenry, generally uncritical and
willing to accept digestible versions of
historical personalities and world events. The
reasoning behind denial and self-censorship: do
not make the public uncomfortable, even if that
means diluting, sensationalizing, or lying about the truth.

Ultimately, when denial and self-censorship may
not be sufficient for control of information, the
state resorts to imprisonment. All imprisonment
is political and as such all imprisonments carry
equal weight. Society does, however, distinguish
two categories of imprisonment: one for breaking
a law, the other for political reasons. A
difference is clear: American Indian Movement
leader Leonard Peltier, serving a federal
sentence for his supposed role at Wounded Knee,
is considered a different type of prisoner than
an armed robber serving a five-to-seven-year sentence.

State policy reflects institutional needs. When
the state as an institution cannot tolerate an
outside threat, real or perceived, from an
individual or group, the consequences at its
command include isolation, persecution, and
political imprisonment. All may occur in greater
or lesser form, depending on the degree of threat.

Political incarceration removes threats to the
political and economic hegemony of the United
States. Even though in 1959 George Jackson
initially went to prison as an “everyday
lawbreaker” with a one-year-to-life sentence, it
was his political consciousness that kept him
incarcerated for eleven years. In 1970 George wrote:

International capitalism cannot be destroyed
without the extremes of struggle. The entire
colonial world is watching the blacks inside the
U.S., wondering and waiting for us to come to our
senses. Their problems and struggles with the
Amerikan monster are much more difficult than
they would be if we actively aided them. We are
on the inside. We are the only ones (besides the
very small white minority left) who can get at
the monster’s heart without subjecting the world
to nuclear fire. We have a momentous historical
role to act out if we will. The whole world for
all time in the future will love us and remember
us as the righteous people who made it possible
for the world to live on. If we fail through fear
and lack of aggressive imagination, then the
slaves of the future will curse us, as we
sometimes curse those of yesterday. I don’t want
to die and leave a few sad songs and a hump in
the ground as my only monument. I want to leave a
world that is liberated from trash, pollution,
racism, nation-states, nation-state wars and
armies, from pomp, bigotry, parochialism, a
thousand different brands of untruth, and licentious usurious economics.

Nothing is more dangerous to a system that
depends on misinformation than a voice that obeys
its own dictates and has the courage to speak
out. George Jackson’s imprisonment and further
isolation within the prison system were clearly a
function of the state’s response to his outspoken
opposition to the capitalist structure.

Political incarceration is a tangible form of
state control. Unlike denial and self-censorship,
imprisonment is publicly scrutinized. Yet public
reaction to political incarceration has been
minimal. The U.S. government claims it holds no
political prisoners (denial), while any notice
given to protests focused on political prisoners
invariably takes the form of a human interest story (self-censorship).

The efficacy of political incarceration in the
United States cannot be denied. Prison serves not
only as a physical barrier, but a communication
restraint. Prisoners are completely ostracized
from society, with little or no chance to break
through. Those few outside who might be
sympathetic are always hesitant to communicate or
protest past a certain point, fearing their own
persecution or imprisonment. Also, deep down most
people believe that all prisoners, regardless of
their individual situations, really did do
something “wrong.” Added to that prejudice,
society lacks a distinction between a prisoner’s
actions and his or her personal worth; a bad act
equals a bad person. The bottom line is that the
majority of people simply will not believe that
the state openly or covertly oppresses without
criminal cause. As Daniel Singer asked at the
Evergreen conference in 1987, “Is it possible for
a class which exterminates the native peoples of
the Americas, replaces them by raping Africa for
humans it then denigrates and dehumanizes as
slaves, while cheapening and degrading its own
working class ­ is it possible for such a class
to create a democracy, equality and to advance
the cause of human freedom? The implicit answer is, `No, of course not.”‘

How does a person ­ inside or outside prison ­
confront the cultural mindsets, the layers of
misinformation propagated by the capitalist
system? Sooner or later, what can be called the
“radical dilemma” surfaces for the few wanting to
enter into a structural attack/analysis of the
United States. Culturally, educationally, and
politically, all of us are similarly limited by
these layers of misinformation; we are all
products of the system. None of us functions from
a clean slate when considering or debating any
issue, especially history as it pertains to the United States.

George Jackson struggled against the constraints
of denial and self-censorship, to say nothing of
his physical and communicative distance from
society. Political prisoners are inherently
vulnerable to an either/or situation: isolating
silence or elimination. For George, his
vociferous revolutionary attitude was either
futile or self-exterminating. He was well aware
of his situation. In Blood in My Eye, his political treatise, he wrote:

I’m in a unique political position. I have a very
nearly closed future, and since I have always
been inclined to get disturbed over organized
injustice or terrorist practice against the
innocents ­ wherever ­ I can now say just about
what I want (I’ve always done just about that),
without fear of self-exposure. I can only be executed once.

George was equally aware that revolutionary
change happens only when an entire society is
ready. No amount of action, preaching, or
teaching will spark revolution if social
conditions do not warrant it. My father’s case,
unfortunately, is an appropriate indicator. He
attempted a revolutionary act during a
reactionary time; elimination was the only possible consequence.

The challenge for a radical in today’s world is
to balance reformist tendencies (political
liberalism) and revolutionary action/ideology
(radicalism). While reformism entails a
legitimation of the status quo as a search for
changes within the system, radicalism posits a
change of system. Because revolutionaries are
particularly vulnerable, a certain degree of
reformism is necessary to create space, space
needed to begin the laborious task of making revolution.

George’s statement “Combat Liberalism” and the
general reaction to it typify the gulf between
the two philosophies. George was universally
misunderstood by the left and the right alike. As
is the case with most modern political prisoners,
nearly all of his support came from reformists
with liberal leanings. It seems that they acted
in spite of, rather than because of, the core of his message.

The left’s attitude toward COINTELPRO is a useful
illustration. COINTELPRO, the covert government
program used to dismantle the Black Panther
Party, and later the American Indian Movement, is
typically cited by many leftists as a damning
example of the government’s conspiratorial
nature. Declassified documents and ex-agents’
testimonies have shown COINTELPRO to be one of
the most unlawful, insidious cells of government
in the nation’s history. COINTELPRO, however, was
really a symptomatic, expendable entity; a small
police force within a larger one (FBI), within a
branch of government (executive), within the
government itself (liberal democracy), within the
economic system (capitalism). Reformists in
radicals’ clothing unknowingly argued against
symptoms, rather than the roots, of the
entrenched system. Doing away with COINTELPRO or
even the FBI would not alter the structure that
produces the surveillance/elimination apparatus.

In George’s day, others who considered themselves
left of center, or even revolutionary, concerned
themselves with inner-city reform issues, mostly
black ghettos. The problem of and debate about
inner cities still exists. However, recognition
of a problem and analysis of that problem are two
very different challenges. The demand to better
only predominantly black inner-city conditions is
unrealistic at best. In the capitalist structure,
there must be an upper, middle, and especially a
lower class. Improving black neighborhoods is the
equivalent of ghettoizing some other segment of
the population ­ poor whites, Hispanics, Asians,
etc. Nothing intrinsic to the system would
change, only superficial alterations that would
mollify the liberal public. As Chomsky asserts in Turning the Tide:

Determined opposition to the latest lunacies and
atrocities must continue, for the sake of the
victims as well as our own ultimate survival. But
it should be understood as a poor substitute for
a challenge to the deeper causes, a challenge
that we are, unfortunately, in no position to
mount at the present though the groundwork can and must be laid.

Failure to understand the radical, encompassing
viewpoint in the sixties led to reformism. In
effect, the majority of the left completely
deserted any attempt at the radical balance
required of the politically conscious, leaving
only liberalism and its narrow vision to flourish.

Nobody comprehended the radical dilemma more
fully than George Jackson. Indeed, he developed
his philosophy not out of mere happenstance, but
with a very conscious eye upon maintaining his
revolutionary ideology. He writes in Blood in My Eye:

Reformism is an old story in Amerika. There have
been depressions and socio-economic political
crises throughout the period that marked the
formation of the present upper-class ruling
circle, and their controlling elites. But the
parties of the left were too committed to
reformism to exploit their revolutionary potential.

George’s involvement with the prison reform
movement should therefore be seen as a matter of
survival. Unlike the reformist left, prison
oppression was directly affecting him. His
balanced reform activities ­ improving prisoners’
rights while speaking out against prison as an
entity ­ were required to make living conditions
tolerable enough for him to continue on his
revolutionary path. Simply, he did what he had to
do to survive ­ created space while
simultaneously pursuing his radical theory.

The reform George Jackson did accomplish was and
still is incredible, transforming the prison
environment from unlivable to livable hell, from
encampments that he called reminiscent of Nazi
Germany to at least a scaled-down version of the
like. With his influence, these changes occurred
not only in California, but throughout the
nation. Only now is his influence beginning to
slip, with reactionary politics bringing about
torture and sensory deprivation facilities such
as Pelican Bay State Prison in California, as
well as the reintroduction for adoption of the
one-to-life indeterminate sentence. This type of
sentence is fertile ground for state oppression,
as it is up to a parole board to decide if an
inmate is ever to be let go. A prison can easily
and effectively create situations that transform
a one-to-life into a life sentence. (Tellingly,
the indeterminate sentence is being promoted not
by the right, but by a California senator
formerly associated with mainstream liberal causes.)

Politically, George Jackson provided us all with
a radical education, a viable alternative to
viewing not only the United States but the world
as a political entity. He gave the
disenfranchised a lens through which they could
clearly see their situation and become more
conscious about it. He wrote in April 1970:

It all falls into place. I see the whole thing
much clearer now, how fascism has taken
possession of this country, the interlocking
dictatorship from county level on up to the Grand Dragon in Washington, D.C.

Crucially, George’s treatment is a concrete,
undeniable example of political oppression. Race
is more times than not the easy answer to a
problem. Among people of color in the United
States, the quick fix, “blame it on whitey”
mentality has become so prevalent that it
shortcuts thinking. Conversely, stereotypes of
minorities act as simple-minded tools of
divisiveness and oppression. George addressed
these issues in prison, setting a model for the
outside as well: “I’m always telling the brothers
some of those whites are willing to work with us
against the pigs. All they got to do is stop
talking honky. When the races start fighting, all
you have is one maniac group against another.” On
the surface, race has been and is still being put
forth as an overriding issue that needs to be
addressed as a prerequisite for social change. In
fact, although it seems to loom as a large
problem, race as an issue is again a symptom of
capitalism. Of course, on a paltry level and
among the relatively powerless, race does play a
part in social structure (the racist cop, the
bigoted landlord, etc.), pitting segments of the
population against each other. But revolutionary
change requires class analysis that drives
appropriate actions and eliminates race as a
mitigating factor. Knowing these socioeconomic
dynamics, George Jackson was first and foremost a
people’s revolutionary, and he acted as such at
all times without compromise. His writings
clearly reflect his belief in class-based revolutionary change.

Considering the many structural elements
affecting him, it is easy to see why George and
his message have been misinterpreted. The quick
takes on him are abundant: it’s assumed that he
was imprisoned and oppressed because he was
black, because he had publicized ties with the
Black Panther Party and was a well-known
organizer within the prison reform movement.
Although George became a “prison celebrity,” a
status that certainly didn’t help him in terms of
acquittal and release, ignorance of the actual
forces responsible for his prolonged imprisonment
is inexcusable. The radical viewpoint is
absolutely indispensable when regarding both
George’s life circumstance and philosophy. His
life serves not as a mere individual example of
prison cruelty, but as a scalding indictment of the very nature of capitalism.

In these times, there are two very different ways
to be born into privilege. First and most obvious
in the system of capital is to be born into
wealth. Second, and not precluding the first, is
to have an intellectual, politically conscious
base from which to grow as a person
philosophically and spiritually. Radical figures
in modern society ­ Lenin, Trotsky, Ché Guevara,
my father, Jonathan Jackson, and my uncle George
Jackson ­ have the capability of providing this
base through their examples and writings.

Those not born into privilege can achieve a
politically conscious base in different ways. No
veils separate the lower class from the realities
of everyday life. They have been given the gift
of disillusion. Bourgeois lifestyle, although
perhaps sought after, is in most cases not
attainable. Daily survival is the primary goal,
as it was with George. Of course, when it finally
becomes more attractive for one to fight, and
perhaps die, than to live in a survival mode,
revolution starts to become a possibility. Not a
riot, not a government takeover by one or another
group, but a people’s revolution led by the politically conscious.

This consciousness doesn’t simply appear.
Individuals must grow and work into it, but it’s
an invaluable gift to have insight into and
access to an alternative to the frustration, a goal on the horizon.

The nineties are an unconscious era. The
unimportant is all-important, the essential
neglected. What system than capitalism, what time
period than now, is better suited to naturally
create the scape-goat, the seldom-heard political
prisoner, misunderstood in his
cult-of-personality status, held back in a choke
hold from society? It is not only our right, but
our duty, to listen to and comprehend George
Jackson’s message. To not do so is to turn our
backs on one of the brilliant minds of the
twentieth century, an individual passionately
involved with liberating not only himself, but all of us.

Settle your quarrels, come together, understand
the reality of our situation, understand that
fascism is already here, that people are dying
who could be saved, that generations more will
die or live poor butchered half-lives if you fail
to act. Do what must be done, discover your
humanity and your love in revolution. Pass on the
torch. Join us, give up your life for the people.

­George Jackson

Jonathan Jackson, Jr.

San Francisco

June 1994

HONORING MARTYRS & POLITICAL PRISONER RUCHELL MCGEE OF AUGUST 7TH 1970

Sunday, August 7 · 7:00pm – 9:00pm

Location
AFIBA Center

5730 Crenshaw Blvd
Los Angeles, California 90043


More Info
HONORING MARTYRS & POLITICAL PRISONER RUCHELL MCGEE OF AUGUST 7TH 1970; YOUTH ORGANIZING AND DIRECT ACTION!

Documentary film, “Jackson, More than a Name” about creation and work of the Jonathan Jackson Educational Cadre’s work in Avalon Garden. Harold Welton of JJEC leading discussion on film, plus more.

@ AFIBA Center 5730 Crenshaw Blvd, Los Angeles, CA 90043

Presented by Black August Los Angeles

For more info, call 424-200-4968

Long live the spirit of Jonathan Jackson

Long live the spirit of Jonathan Jackson

By Stephen Millies

Published Aug 8, 2010 11:34 PM

Jonathan Jackson was only 17 years old when he gave his life for oppressed people on Aug. 7, 1970, when he went to the San Rafael, Calif., courthouse to free his older brother George Jackson, along with Fleeta Drumgo and John Clutchette — the “Soledad Brothers.”

Jonathan Jackson, James McClain

These three revolutionary inmates were charged with killing Soledad prison guard John Mills. Just before Mills was thrown over a third floor railing, a grand jury exonerated fellow officer O.G. Miller for shooting to death Black inmates Cleveland Edwards, Alvin Miller and W.L. Nolen on Jan. 13, 1970. African-American witnesses weren’t allowed to testify at the whitewash hearing.

While no evidence linked the Soledad Brothers to the killing of Mills, California Governor and future U.S. President Ronald Reagan wanted to kill them in the state’s gas chamber because they were revolutionaries.

George Jackson was internationally known for “Soledad Brother,” a book-length collection of his letters from prison. “I met Marx, Lenin, Trotsky, Engels and Mao when I entered prison and they redeemed me,” he wrote.

A field marshal of the Black Panther Party, George Jackson had already spent a decade behind bars for a $70 robbery. As an 18-year-old he was given a one-year-to-life sentence for being a passenger in a car whose driver allegedly robbed a gas station.

Jonathan Jackson went to Judge Harold Haley’s courtroom armed with guns. San Quentin prisoner James McClain was there, defending himself against frame-up charges of assaulting a guard following the beating to death of Black inmate Fred Billingsley by prison officials. Fellow inmates Ruchell Cinque Magee and William Christmas were also in the courtroom as witnesses for McClain.

Like the enslaved Africans who joined John Brown at Harper’s Ferry, these three San Quentin prisoners immediately joined Jonathan Jackson’s freedom fight. Judge Haley, assistant prosecutor Gary Thomas and three jurors were made their prisoners.

“We are revolutionaries,” they proclaimed. “We want the Soledad Brothers free by 12:30.”

According to Black Panther Party veteran Kiilu Nyasha, “The plan was to use the hostages to take over a radio station and broadcast the racist, murderous prison conditions and demand the immediate release of the Soledad Brothers.” (San Francisco Bay View, Aug. 3, 2009)

But the capitalist class would rather have one of their judges killed than let Black prisoners go free. As Jonathan Jackson drove away in a van, San Quentin guards and court cops started firing. Jonathan Jackson, McClain and Christmas were killed, along with Judge Haley. Magee and Assistant District Attorney Thomas were wounded.

“Free Angela! Free Ruchell!”

The courageous action of these four Black heroes at the San Rafael courthouse shook the capitalist state from the White House to the local police precinct. “Psychologically the slave masters have been terrified by the boldness and innovative tactical conception,” wrote Fred Goldstein in Workers World. “No court is safe anymore.” (Aug. 20, 1970)

Scapegoats had to be found. Magee and Angela Davis, who had chaired the Soledad Brothers Defense Committee, were put on trial. Jonathan Jackson had been a bodyguard for Davis and three of the guns used at the San Rafael jailbreak were registered under her name. That was enough for Gov. Reagan to try to send Davis to the gas chamber as a “conspirator” responsible for Haley’s death. In 1969 Reagan had gotten trustees at the University of California, Los Angeles, to fire the radical philosophy professor for being a member of the Communist Party.

For two months Davis eluded the FBI, which put the Black communist on its “10 most wanted” list. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover listed her as being “armed and dangerous” — an official invitation to shoot her on sight. President Nixon congratulated Hoover for the capture of Davis and labeled the Black woman “a terrorist.”

From her prison cell Davis declared, “Long live the spirit of Jonathan Jackson!”

The Black community mobilized coast to coast to defend their sister. More than 200 “Free Angela Davis” defense committees were formed. Members of every Workers World Party branch joined and supported these committees.

People rallied in Cuba, the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) as well. On June 4, 1972, a jury acquitted Angela Davis of all charges.

Tried separately from Davis, Magee had adopted the name “Cinque” after the African leader of the 1839 slave revolt on the ship Amistad. The original Cinque was freed by a Connecticut court. Ruchell Cinque Magee, who also was part of a slave revolt, was convicted of kidnapping after murder charges were dismissed.

Judge Morton Colvin refused to adjourn the trial for a single day when Magee’s mother died. Yet Colvin recessed the hearing for two days following former President Truman’s death. At one point this bigot-in-robes kicked all 40 Black spectators out of the courtroom. (Jet, March 1, 1973)

An appeals court forced Colvin to allow former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, who later founded the International Action Center, to help defend Cinque. Jury foreman Bernard J. Suares stated in a 2001 affidavit that the jury actually voted to acquit Cinque of kidnapping for the purpose of extortion.

Ruchell Cinque Magee remains imprisoned today. Jailed for 47 years, he is the longest held political prisoner in the U.S. and possibly the world. As an accomplished jailhouse lawyer, Cinque has freed dozens of fellow inmates.

You can write to this heroic freedom fighter at Corcoran State Prison. The address is Ruchell Magee # A92051, 3A2-131 Box 3471, C.S.P. Corcoran, CA 93212

Black August

One year after his younger brother sacrificed his life, George Jackson was assassinated by prison guards on Aug. 21, 1971. George Jackson’s murder sparked the Attica prison rebellion in which 29 prisoners were slaughtered by billionaire New York Gov., Nelson Rockefeller.

On March 27, 1972, the two remaining Soledad Brothers — Fleeta Drumgo and John Clutchette — were acquitted by a San Francisco jury.

“Courage in one hand, the machine gun in the other,” was how George Jackson described his 17-year-old brother Jonathan.

Sources: “If They Come in The Morning” by Angela Davis and other political prisoners; “The morning breaks; the trial of Angela Davis” by Bettina Aptheker.


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