Category Archives: Black Panthers

The SOLE PURPOSE of a Panther


The SOLE PURPOSE of a Panther is to be a
REVOLUTIONARY in the Black/Afrikan People’s
liberation struggle, and to mobilize the
masses towards self determination. A Panther
MUST be a vanguard example at ALL
TIMES. In order to accomplish this great
and divine mission, she/he must be:
1. Spiritually, culturally, and
politically conscious.
2. Respectful and courteous to all
people and demand the
same in return.
3. Militant – Always engaged in war
for the minds and hearts of black
people, while carrying one’s self
in an organized and orderly fashion.
4. Humble – Willing to release
any arrogant attitudes or
superior ideas of one’s self.
5. Disciplined – Willing to sacrifice
your lower or personal
desires for the greater good
of the mission.

LiL Bobby Hutton april6 44th anniversary of his murder

BOBBY HUTTON -
The Day My Beloved Brother Comrade was Murdered


On April 6, 1968, two days after Martin Luther King had been murdered, I got dressed and prepared to go to Central Headquarters of the Black Panther Party (BPP) along with Panthers Jimmy Charley and Terry Claridy. I read a chapter of the “Red Book – Quotations by Chairman Mao” before I left. We arrived at Central Headquarters at 45th and Grove St. to get assigned to various locations to sell the Party’s newspaper “The Black Panther,” collect donations and pass out leaflets in the community about the barbecue for the “Free Huey Newton” defense committee to be held at then called – Defremery Park on April 7th.

Later that evening, around 4pm, other Panthers and I, in groups of two and three, were circulating in the community and going to high schools spreading the word that despite the murder of Dr. King, they should stay cool, lay low and refrain from all counterproductive and random violence, because riots would cause nothing but mass genocide. If trouble erupted, it would be open season on blacks and the BPP would be the first attacked.

Around 6pm, some Party members and I met at a Panther’s apartment off San Pablo Ave. We decided that we would ride in three vehicles transporting food and supplies for the barbecue picnic and at the same time we would observe and patrol the police activities in the Black community.

Around 7:30pm, after patrolling and picking up supplies for the rally, two policemen turned their cruiser south observing and following us onto 28th street and Union street where we had stopped for a minute for Eldridge Cleaver who had to urinate. Eldridge and L’il Bobby Hutton were riding in a 1961 Ford with several other Panthers. I was riding shotgun, in the center of the back seat, armed with a banana clip 30 caliber carbine. Panther Charles Bursey was to the left of me and Donnell Lankford was to the right. The officers pulled their cruiser to a stop in the middle of the street side by side with these vehicles. (The 1961 Ford with Florida license plates had been observed all week because it was known by the Oakland Police as a Panther vehicle.) Gunfire erupted at once, two wild shots were followed instantly by a deluge of lead that riddled the squad cars and shots were fired by police into the rear window of the 1954 Ford in which I was riding.

More policemen flocked to the shooting scene. Charles Bursey was able to get out of the car and escape the scene. Donnell Lankford, who was to the right of me, attempted to open the door so we could take cover, but the door was jammed. The door finally came open, but as soon as we tried to exit the vehicle, there were about a dozen police with their guns and shotguns drawn and thrust into our faces. They were making racist, insulting remarks while we were lying face down, handcuffed behind our backs, helpless on the pavement. They made statements such as, “you niggers just lost Martin Luther King and if you make one move we will not hesitate to blow your heads off.”

We were then put into the police paddy wagon. Donnell, John L. Scott and I were the first to be arrested. The over- reactionary pigs sprayed mace into our eyes after we were already handcuffed and helpless. As the police wagon drove away from the scene, I could barely see out the back, but it appeared to me that there were black people running behind the wagon saying, “Free these brothers, you racist cops.” I told my comrades in the police wagon that this was a deliberate ambush, attempting to commit genocide against the BPP.

The booking officer asked me if I wanted to make a statement after being booked. I said no, I was taking the 5th amendment until I consulted with my attorney, Charles Garry. They put Lankford, Scott and me into different holding cells. I could hear racist statements like, “They should kill Eldridge Cleaver. He’s like a wild animal running amok.” Note: the ambush of other Party members was still going on at this time. Later that night, Harold Rodgers, Charles Garry’s assistant attorney, visited me in my cell and told me that one Party member did not survive. That was the Party’s first member and treasurer, Bobby James Hutton.

Long Live the Spirit of L’il Bobby Hutton.

Terry M. Cotton, former political prisoner and BPP member

Sundiata Acoli Wins Appeal and is Up for Parole Again

Attorney Bruce Afran’s appeal of Sundiata Acoli’s parole-denial and 10 year hit resulted in the New Jersey Appellate Court’s remand to the NJ Parole Board that its 10 year hit be cut to 2 years. It was done and Sundiata has become immediately eligible for a parole hearing again. The Appellate Court must still rule on Sundiata’s 2010 denial of parole but meanwhile he’s preparing to go before the parole board again for his newly won 2012 parole hearing. In that regards he would greatly appreciate any and all letters sent to the parole board urging that he be released.

    Sundiata is 75 years of age and has been in prison 39 years resulting from a stop of his car by state troopers on the NJ Turnpike, in 1973, which erupted in gunfire that resulted in the death of his passenger, Zayd Shakur, and a state trooper, Werner Foerster. The other passenger, Assata Shakur,  was critically wounded and captured on the scene where another trooper, James Harper, was also wounded. Sundiata was wounded at the scene, captured in the woods 40 hours later and subsequently sentenced to life in NJ State prison.

    Sundiata is now the longest held prisoner in New Jersey’s history of similar convictions. He has maintained an outstanding record in prison and has had only a few minor disciplinary reports over the past 30 years and none during the last 16 years. He’s also maintained an excellent work and scholastic record and has always been a positive influence in prison, particularly in mentoring prisoners toward becoming crime-free benefactors to the community upon return to society and thereby break their cycle of recidivism.

    Sundiata is a 75 year old grandfather who has long been rehabilitated, has long satisfied all requirements for parole and has no or “little likelihood of committing another crime:” which is the main criterion for parole in New Jersey. Sundiata is an old man, in declining health, who wishes to live out the rest of his days in peace tending his grandchildren.

    Send letters urging the board that “39 years is enough! Release Sundiata Acoli! NJ #54859/Fed #39794-066″ Address the INSIDE LETTER to: The New Jersey State Parole Board, P.O. Box 862, Trenton NJ 08625, BUT ADDRESS/MAIL THE ENVELOPE TO:
     Florence Morgan,Esq.
    120-46 Queens Blvd.
    Queens NY 11415

    and the letter will be forwarded to the parole board after a copy is made for SAFC files.

    Thank you for your support. Please keep in touch with SundiataAcoli.org at The Sundiata Acoli Freedom Page to stay abreast of Sundiata’s parole situation and additional ways you can express support/solidarity with his parole effort. Sundiata and his Freedom Campaign, SAFC, send their sincerest condolences to the family and comrades of Christian Gomez, the prisoner who died in the California Prisoner’s Hunger Strike – and we send our warmest shout out of solidarity and strength to all those participating in or supporting the California Prisoner’s Hunger Strike.

Bay Area: Join Us for a free event with the Angola 3 to Support the Hunger Strike, Friday (April 6th)

 

Read more information about the event 

The Outer Limits of Solitary Confinement: A Public Forum to Support the California Prisoner Hunger Strike

Friday, April 6, 2012, 6pm – 8pm
UC Hastings College of the Law
Louis B. Mayer Lounge
198 McAllister Street
San Francisco

(San Francisco)  –This free San Francisco event organized by the International Coalition to Free the Angola 3 will mark 40 years of solitary confinement for Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox of the Angola 3, by exploring the expansion and overuse of solitary confinement, and mobilizing support for the Amnesty International Petition to remove them from solitary confinement and support for the California Hunger Strikers. Includes Keynote with Angola 3’s Robert H. King, 2 films and additional speakers.

The International Coalition to Free the Angola Three is presenting a free public forum and film screening entitled “The Outer Limits of Solitary Confinement,” at UC Hastings College of the Law, Louis B. Mayer Lounge, 198 McAllister Street, San Francisco, on Friday, April 6, 2012, from 6pm – 8pm, and co-hosted by the Hastings Race and Poverty Law Journal and the Hastings chapter of the National Lawyers Guild.

The International Coalition to Free the Angola 3 stands in solidarity with the courageous prisoners that recently initiated hunger strikes throughout California prisons ( www.prisonerhungerstrikesolidarity.wordpress.com/). The event will examine how the torture and wrongful convictions of the Angola 3 are part of a much larger problem throughout US prisons. With presentations from several speakers involved with supporting the hunger strikers, the audience will be presented with many ways in which they too can lend their support in the fight against solitary confinement and other forms of torture in California prisons.

The keynote speaker will be Robert H. King, of the Angola 3, who was released in 2001 when his conviction was overturned, after 29 years of continuous solitary confinement. King says today that “being in prison, in solitary was terrible. It was a nightmare. My soul still cries from all that I witnessed and endured.  It does more than cry- it mourns, continuously.”

Since his release, Robert H. King has worked tirelessly to support the other two members of the Angola 3, Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox, who have been in solitary confinement since April 17, 1972. This coming April 17, which marks the 40th anniversary of their solitary confinement, King will be joined by Amnesty International and other supporters at the Louisiana State Capitol in Baton Rouge to present Amnesty International’s petition to Governor Bobby Jindal demanding that Wallace and Woodfox be immediately released from solitary confinement. Read more about Amnesty International’s Angola 3 campaign, here: http://www.amnestyusa.org/angola3

At the UC Hastings event, King will talk about the Amnesty International petition demanding transfer from solitary and the broader struggle to release Wallace and Woodfox from prison altogether. Interviewed in a recent video by Amnesty International ( http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kotf68mrqCI), King says about Wallace and Woodfox: “All evidence shows that they were targeted simply for being members of the Black Panther Party. There is really no evidence, forensic, physical, or otherwise, linking them to the crime. When I think about the ten years in which I’ve had time to be out here, that is ten more years that they are there.”

In their investigative report ( http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/usa-100-years-in-solitary-the-angola-3-and-their-fight-for-justice ), Amnesty International similarly concluded that “no physical evidence links Woodfox and Wallace to the murder.” Even further: “potentially favorable DNA evidence was lost. The convictions were based on questionable inmate testimony…it seems prison officials bribed the main eyewitness into giving statements against the men.  Even the widow of the prison guard has expressed skepticism, saying in 2008, ‘If they did not do this – and I believe that they didn’t – they have been living a nightmare for 36 years!’”

Additional speakers will include:

•       Hans Bennett, Independent journalist and co-founder of Journalists for Mumia
•       Terry Kupers, Institute Professor at The Wright Institute in Berkeley, California
•       Manuel La Fontaine, Northern California Regional Organizer for All of Us or None
•       Aaron Mirmalek, Leonard Peltier Defense Offense Committee Oakland
•       Kiilu Nyasha, Independent journalist and former member of the Black Panther Party
•       Tahtanerriah Sessoms-Howell, Youth Organizer for All of Us Or None
•       Luis “Bato” Talamantez, California Prison Focus and one of the San Quentin 6
•       Azadeh Zohrabi, Co-Editor-in-Chief of the Hastings Race and Poverty Law Journal
•       And more (Full speaker bios below).

In addition, two short films will be featured: The Gray Box: A Multimedia Investigation, by Susan Greene, The Dart Society, and Cruel and Unusual Punishment, by Claire Schoen, for the AFSC Stopmax Campaign.

Event notes: Hastings is on the corner of Hyde and McAllister, two blocks from the Civic Center BART station. The Hyde Street side entrance is wheelchair accessible. Refreshments will be served and signed books will be for sale. This event is free and open to the public. Donations for prisoner support will be gratefully accepted.

A FORTY YEAR HISTORY OF REPRESSION:

On April 17, 1972, Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox of the Angola 3 were placed in solitary confinement at Angola Prison in Louisiana. Wallace and Woodfox were subsequently railroaded and convicted for the murder of a prison guard, and remain in solitary to this day. They were framed COINTELPRO-style, in retaliation for co-founding a Black Panther chapter at Angola that initiated multiracial work and hunger strikes.

Currently held inside California’s notorious Pelican Bay State Prison, Hugo “Yogi Bear” Pinell, of the San Quentin Six, has now been in continuous solitary for at least 42 years.  A participant in the recent statewide prisoner hunger strike, Pinell was a close comrade of Black Panther and prison author, George Jackson. Having been continually denied parole despite a clean record for the last 27 years, Pinell is, in the words of the Angola 3’s own Robert H. King, “a clear example of a political prisoner.” His next parole hearing is scheduled for this May.

The stories of the Angola 3 and Hugo Pinell are the most extreme examples of a widespread human rights crisis in US prisons, where prolonged solitary confinement has become routine. According to www.solitarywatch.com, there are “at least 75,000 and perhaps more than 100,000 prisoners in solitary confinement on any given day” in the US.

On March 20, several human rights organizations jointly filed a petition to the United Nations Group on Arbitrary Detention, the United Nations Human Rights Council, and United Nations General Assembly on behalf of prisoners throughout California’s Security Housing Units (SHU) and Administrative Segregation Units (ASU).  The petition calls for UN action against California’s prison administration and deplores the conditions of thousands of California prisoners, “being detained in isolated segregated units for indefinite periods or determinate periods of many years solely because they have been identified as members of gangs or found to have associated with a gang.”

The petition states further that “as a result of the policies and practices that leave California with the largest population of prisoners in isolated segregation anywhere in the world, these prisoners suffer extreme mental and physical harm, including mental breakdowns, extreme depression, suicidal ideation, and breaks with reality, such that their treatment may be considered torture or degrading treatment illegal under well-established international norms and obligations of the United States and the State of California under, inter alia, the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (‘CAT’) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (‘ICCPR’).”

Fueled by the racist “War On Drugs,” and the broader criminalization of poverty, the US prison population has exploded from less than 300,000 prisoners in 1970 to over 2.4 million today. This 40-year policy of mass incarceration has turned the US into literally the world’s #1 jailer—with the world’s highest incarceration rate and total number of prisoners ( http://www.prisonstudies.org/info/worldbrief/wpb_stats.php)

.

POSITION STATEMENT:

We declare that this human rights atrocity known as the “criminal justice system” has now reached its outer limits. This cannot continue! It is becoming increasingly clear to the public that prolonged solitary confinement is nothing other than state torture.

The recent collaboration of prison activists and Occupy Wall Street ( www.occupy4prisoners.org) marks a renewed linking of economic justice activism to a critique of mass incarceration and the criminalization of poverty. As Robert H. King said in his message to Occupy 4 Prisoners, “the same people who make the laws that favor the bankers, make the laws that fill our prisons and detention centers. We have to continue to make the connection between Wall St. and the prison industrial complex.” The upcoming “Occupy the Justice Department” action in Washington DC on April 24 ( http://www.occupythejusticedepartment.com/) is calling for the release of Mumia Abu-Jamal and all political prisoners.

The strength of the 99% is in our numbers. Our only hope is to unite against the 1%. A newly-formed multiracial coalition of hunger strikers throughout California’s prisons (most recently at Corcoran State) has demanded an end to prolonged solitary confinement and many other inhumane policies. These freedom fighters are on the frontlines of the struggle and they badly need our support. Our event is being held to give voice to their struggle and to present the audience with opportunities to show their support.

FEATURED SPEAKERS BIOS:

ROBERT H. KING (Keynote Speaker)– A member of the Angola 3, released in 2001 after 29 years of continuous solitary confinement.  Since his release, he has worked tirelessly in support of Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox. In 2008, King released his award-winning autobiography, entitled From the Bottom of the Heap: The Autobiography of Robert Hillary King (PM Press). His website is www.kingsfreelines.com.

HANS BENNETT–  A prison abolitionist, independent multi-media journalist and co-founder of Journalists for Mumia Abu-Jamal ( www.abu-jamal-news.com), Bennett has written for several publications including Alternet, Truthout, Z Magazine, Black Commentator, ColorLines, Poor Magazine, SF Bay View Newspaper, Slingshot and Indymedia.

TERRY KUPERS– An Institute Professor at The Wright Institute in Berkeley, CA. Dr. Kupers’ forensic psychiatry experience includes testimony in several large class action litigations concerning jail and prison conditions, sexual abuse, and the quality of mental health services inside correctional facilities. He is a consultant to Human Rights Watch, and author of the 1999 book entitled Prison Madness: The Mental Health Crisis Behind Bars and What We Must Do About It.

MANUEL LA FONTAINE– The Northern California Regional Organizer, All of Us or None ( http://www.prisonerswithchildren.org/projects/all-of-us-or-none/). As a former street organizer (also known as a gang member), a formerly-incarcerated person, and a college graduate, Manuel brings street savvy, along with scholastic aptitude, and incorporates them into his work life to better assist those without voices.

AARON MIRMALEK– The founder of the Leonard Peltier Defense Offense Committee Oakland, started in honor of his cousin Leonard Peltier ( www.whoisleonardpeltier.info). Born in Oakland, he is a longtime community organizer. In 2010, Aaron was the Executive Producer of “Free Leonard Peltier: Hip Hop’s Contribution to the Freedom Campaign.” In 2011, he was the Executive Producer and Co-Host of “Free Peltier Free Em All!” DVD with Chairman Fred Hampton Jr. For more information please visit www.FreeLeonardAlbum.com.

KIILU NYASHA– A San Francisco-based journalist and former member of the Black Panther Party. Through the end of 2009, Kiilu hosted a weekly TV program, “Freedom Is A Constant Struggle,” on SF Live. She writes for many publications, including the SF Bay View Newspaper and Black Commentator. Also an accomplished radio programmer, she has worked for KPFA (Berkeley), SF Liberation Radio, Free Radio Berkeley, and KPOO in SF. Her website is www.kiilunyasha.blogspot.com.

TAHTANERRIAH SESSOMS-HOWELL– Youth Organizer, All of Us Or None. Sessoms-Howell is a native of Berkeley, California.  When she was arrested at the age of 15 she got her first glimpse into the cruel world of “rehabilitation.”  While in jail and on probation, Sessoms-Howell found out very fast that there is no such thing as a fair justice system. She now works to inform the youth of their rights and keep connections between youth and their elders strong. As Youth Organizer for AOUON, her job is to help, by any means, ensure the safety and rights of future generations to come.

LUIS “BATO” TALAMANTEZ—One of the San Quentin 6, Talamantez also works with California Prison Focus, and is a long time Bay Area activist and organizer.

AZADEH ZOHRABI– Co-Editor-in-Chief of the UC Hastings Race and Poverty Law Journal, Zohrabi is a third year law student at UC Hastings. Her family’s experience with incarceration is what motivated her to become an attorney and an advocate for people in prison. Most recently, she has worked to advocate on behalf of prisoners in the Security Housing Units as a member of the Prisoner Hunger Strike Solidarity Coalition and the mediation team for the prisoners.

MORE SF BAY AREA EVENTS WITH ROBERT H. KING:

–Let Us Not Forget: Honor Fallen Comrades and Political Prisoners, Saturday, April 7, 1:00pm, West Oakland Library, 1801 Adeline Street ( www.itsabouttimebpp.com ). For more information: (916) 455-0908.

–Oakland International Film Festival, Sunday, April 8, 3:00pm, Oakland Museum, 1000 Oak Street, at 10th Street (http://www.oiff.org/ ). King will be speaking in conjunction with a screening of the new British documentary about the Angola 3, entitled “In The Land of the Free…”

Samurai among Panthers: Richard Aoki on Race, Resistance, and a Paradoxical Life

Start: 04/21/2012 7:00 pm
End: 04/21/2012 10:00 pm

April 21 Saturday 7:00 pm

Evening Celebrating the Life of Richard Aoki
Book Launch: Diane C. Fujino will present her new book,Samurai Among Panthers: Richard Aoki on Race, Resistance, and a Paradoxical Life.  

The program will include spoken word, and presentations of AAPI Alumni Richard Aoki scholarship awards.

Location: UC Berkeley campus MLK Student Union, Multicultural Center ( lobby entry) at intersection Telegraph Ave and Bancroft Way  
More information contact Eastwind Books of Berkeley (510)548-2350 Free Event

Event sponsored by: Asian American & Asian Diaspora Studies of UC Berkeley (AAADS), Asian Pacific American Student Development of UC Berkeley (APASD), AAPI Alumni, Eastside Arts Alliance, Eastwind Books of Berkeley, Serve the People (STP) and KPFA Freedom Archives.  

An iconic figure of the Asian American movement, Richard Aoki (1938–2009) was also, as the most prominent non-Black member of the Black Panther Party, a key architect of Afro-Asian solidarity in the 1960s and ’70s.

Samurai among Panthers weaves together two narratives: Aoki’s dramatic first-person chronicle and an interpretive history by Asian American movement scholar, Diane C. Fujino. Aoki’s candid account of himself takes us from his early years in Japanese American internment camps to his political education on the streets of Oakland, to his emergence in the Black Panther Party.

Richard  Aoki’s voice rings clear in the over 200 pages of oral interview given to biographer Diane Fujino, collected in 100 hours of taped interview sessions between 2003 and 2004.  Richard Aoki describes in his own words the story of his life.  The result is an eleven chapters treasury of Aoki’s transcript.

Beginning with his early childhood with his family’s forced incarceration at the Topaz, Utah concentration camp, he takes us through his teenage years in West Oakland and Berkeley, to his military service, and subsequent political awakening with his growth as a revolutionary internationalist. His reminisces of the formation of the Black Panther Party in Oakland catapult the reader into the heart of the Black liberation movement.  Aoki becomes a key leader in the birth of the Asian American Political Alliance,  the UC Berkeley Third World Liberation Front alliance and the 1968 TWLF Student Strike which won the formation of Ethnic Studies, Asian American Studies, Chicano Studies, and African American Studies at UC Berkeley.

With Aoki’s characteristic wit and talent for talk-story, the reader is given a last gift from the private and courageous life of one of the early leaders of the Asian American radical movement.

Fujino respectfully reserves her independent interpretations and historical connotations in separate comments before and after the chapters. This unique format gives Fujino freedom to differ with Aoki in her interpretation and lends an interesting indirect conversation between biographer and subject.  Fujino provides a scholarly historical context to the personal narration.

Samurai Among Panthers is a valuable addition to materials available to present and future generations in remembering, studying, honoring a key political leader of the Asian American movement.

Diane C. Fujino is Associate Professor and Chair of Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Her other books include Heartbeat of Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Yuri Kochiyama and Wicked Theory, Naked Practice: A Fred Ho Reader.

$24.95

ISBN-13: 9780816677870
Availability: Special Order – Subject to Availability
Published: Univ Of Minnesota Press, 4/2012

 

“My friend Richard Aoki was there when Huey P. Newton and I founded our Black Panther Party, discussing political analysis and seeking critique approval of our Ten Point Program. This book is a necessary kind of reading that illuminates my friend’s political revolutionary life’s meaning: Richard Aoki’s reverence.” —Bobby Seale, founding Chairman and National Organizer of the Black Panther Party

“Richard Aoki straddled the worlds of ethnicity by the radical bridge he built through his engagement with an authentic, even saucy American radicalism. Diane C. Fujino unearths Richard’s story with sympathy and warmth, and in the process redeems the legacy of a remarkable American radical.” —Vijay Prashad, author of The Darker Nations: A People’s History Of The Third World

Samurai among Panthers is a bracing, honest, and revealing biography. The book is a powerful reminder that although social movements operate collectively within social and political contexts, they are ultimately enacted by individuals who, like Richard Aoki, are flawed, complicated, dedicated, and visionary.” —Daryl J. Maeda, author of Rethinking the Asian American Movement


Location: 
Multicultural Community Center, MLK Student Union Building, UC Berkeley Campus
Bancroft Way and Telegraph Avenue
Berkeley

,

94720

The Pacifica Radio/UC Berkeley Social Activism Sound Recording Project The Black Panther Party Huey Newton Funeral, August 28, 1989

Johnny Spain

All Power to the People!

 

It’s been a long time coming!

 

[Applause}

 

I look at the people in the room, particularly the people who were in the Black Panther Party, and I think that there is alot of power in this room. And yet, I think we all know, as we knew years ago, that us alone only amounted to, in some people's mind, as a bunch of crazy fools in a room. It's you, and it always has been you, who have made the real difference, and given the real definition in "All Power to the People." And, I just want to say that after the dust clears, and next week little kids say, "Huey who?", we should all remember that in someone's community--whatever you think of Huey, negative or positive--in someone's community, a human being was gunned down, and that should serve us all notice that there is alot of work to be done.

 

To the family, and to all of you, but especially to the family, my heart is yours. Power to the People.

[applause]

 

Father Earl Neal

 

Let there be peace among us, and let us not be instruments of our own oppression, and let us always claim power to the people.

 

In the brief moments that I have, with remarks I want to offer and share with the family and with you, on behalf of my love and relationship to Huey, I take guidance from Holy Scripture, where we find these word written in the eleventh chapter of Hebrews, verses 24-26: By Faith, Moses, when he was come to years, refused to be called the son of Pharoh’s daughter, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, esteeming the reproach of Christ to greater riches than the treasures in Egypt Moses chose to identify with the people, and in so doing claimed his identity. He was not a sell-out to Pharoh, by letting Pharoh define who he was. Huey was our Moses. He did the same thing. He chose to identify with the needs of the people, and asserted and claimed his identity as a person, and as Servant of the People. Huey challenged and confronted modern day Pharohs to let my people go Modern day Pharohs of the racism, modern day Pharohs of the health care system, wherein the black and other babies of color have an infant mortality rate four times greater of that than white babies. Modern day Pharoah of a federal budget in which the poor are asked to bite the bullet, but the military is not asked to bite the MX missle or stealth bomber. The Modern Pharoah of a criminal justice system wherein a black youth can be shot to death for stealing a car and a man pardoned after stealing a country. [applause]

 

And just as Moses led the Hebrew children out of slavery in Egypt, so did Huey, our Moses, lead one of the greatest freedom marches in human history. Leading us out of the Egypt of our minds by co-founding the Black Panther Party, and enabling us to claim and affirm our identity as a people, and giving us pride and hope in ourselves. In identifying with the people and serving the people, Huey did not promise pie in the sky, by and by, when he knew that we needed something sound on the ground, while we were still around.

 

[applause]

And thus was developed the Ten Point Survival Program which Ericka read, [Ericka Huggins, tape lost during original recording failure] which not only dealt with the daily survival needs of the people, but also dealt with those systems and institutions in our society which placed people in survival situtations. We heard the ten point program read. But we also heard the ten point program read when we heard the reading from Matthew…the 25th chapter of Matthew a few moments ago. That spoke about feeding the hungry, giving comfort to those in prison, of healing the sick. Because you see, Huey was able to join together The Amen Corner with The Street Corner. And in response to this, and in support of the Party, we had a black clergy organization– interdenominational- called Alamo Black Clergy, which provided a lot of support, material and spiritual and psychological, to the various survival programs of the Party. And Huey was a courageous prophet and a brilliant visionary…this has already been tesified to…committed to establishing rightousness, justice, and truth in the world order, and in human society. And he brings us together today to rededicate ourselves to his vision, to his passion and to his purpose. And although the Pharaoh FBI and Oakland Police Dept. tried to give Huey a false identity, that of a gangster, you the People rose up, infused by the spirit of Huey, and with your faithful vigil, with the brilliant light of your candles, with the brilliant colors and fragrance of your flowers, and with your marching feet, you sent a loud and resounding “No!”: he is our leader and our hero; he is our Moses.

 

[applause]

Huey challenges us today to use that same energy, as Don mentioned a few minutes ago, and that same spirit–to be a spirit of renewal in our communities, in our men, in our women, in our young people, and to commit to continue our struggle for liberation. Huey challenges us also to affirm and support the struggles of those in other lands who have claimed their identities. (Now, I’m winding down now). In telling Pharaoh to let my people go…and this is particularly true, even as we speak and celebrate the life of Huey…that in South Africa, where we see Huey’s truth being lived out, that the Man’s technology…that the spirit of the People is always greater than the Man’s technology of death and destruction.

 

[applause]

And now our brother Huey has taken his last turn around the sun. He joins the company of prophets, of martyrs, of revolutionaries, and those in every generation who have found hope in God. And I pray that when we have taken our last turn around the sun, that we will be found faithful witnesses of the struggle and the spirit of Huey Percy Newton. And hear those blessed words of welcome from Jesus, which he has pronounced to Huey, Well done thou good and faithful servant of the people, enter thou unto the joy of the Lord [applause]

 

Eulogy and closing prayer: Pastor J. Alfred Smith, Sr.

 

In the 55th Psalms, David wrote “Oh, that I had the wings of a dove, I’d fly away and be at rest. I would flee far away and stay in the desert. I would hurry to my place of shelter, far from the tempest and storm. Confuse the wicked, oh Lord, confound their speech, for I see violence and strife in the city. Day and night they prowl about on its walls. Malices and abuses are within it. Destructive forces are at work in the city. Threats and lies never leaves its streets.”

 

And in the New Testament, the third chapter of the Gospel of John, and verse 17, we have these words: “God sent not his son into the world to condemn the world, but that the world through him might be saved.”

 

That day when Marc Anthony stood and gave an oration for his friend, Julius Caesar, he said: “Friends, Romans, countryman, lend me an ear. I’ve not come to praise Caesar, but to bury him. The good that men do…the evil that men do lives after them, and the good is often interred in their bones. And so is Caesar.”

 

And at this particular point in history…and I stand with the eloquent voices that proceeded me, and none more golden in eloquence than Dr. Cecilia Arrington, and those who followed her in the train of orators, and saying that we’ve not come to bury Huey, but we’ve come to praise him…and simply because the good that people do if often interred in their bones. I don’t know what it is that makes human nature forget that there is so much bad in the best of us, and so much good in the worst of us, until it scarcely behooves any of us to talk about the rest of us. “In any that men condemn as ill, I find so much goodness still. In men who men pronounce divine, I find so much sin and blot, until I dare not draw a line between the two where God has not.”

 

And therefore I’m come to give a brief eulogy today–a very brief eulogy–because at 2:20 today I’m to be on an airplane, to speak at a banquet tonight in honor of one of the great black Christian educators of America, Dr. Foster Cracket, who for fifty years and used his mind to prepare people to be more humane. But in my brief eulogy, I want to say that in the newspapers we’ve not found much of that which is eulogy, we’ve found maldiction, and we’ve found that which is ugly. But I wonder and why it is that we have not heard the whole story. And why the balanced story of Mr. Newton’s life was not told; and since it was not told, and I stand in a free pulpit, and since I am not intimidated by anyone but the Almighty God; and since black people pay my salary [applause]; and since we do not operate on government grants…but black men and women in this community, and who could appreciate Mr. Newton, because he was no handkerchief-head Uncle Tom [applause], I want to give a word of eulogy today. Eulogy, an English word is simply a marriage of two Greek words: EU in Greek means “good,” and the logy –the LOGY–comes from the Greek noun “logos,” which means “word.” I want to say a good word.

 

The first thing that I want to say is this my brother always spoke of a father and mother who gave him strength and made him afraid neither of death, and therefore he was unafraid of life. And that ought to be said today. And I think that good words ought to be said about him. And how is it that Mr. Oliver North can lie, and America wants to make a hero out of him? How is it that a H.U.D. set aside to provide housing for people can give that money away in pay offs to people who call them consultants, like James Watts and others? And nobody takes them to task for it, but they want to look in the closets of my brother Huey Newton as if there’re not skeletons in their own closet.

 

As I preach the gospel of Jesus Christ, they tell me he’s the only one they were able to say “I find no with no fault in him.” Mary’s baby; the Lilly of the Valley; the Morning Star; the Lion of the tribe of Judah; the one that multiplied fish and loaves, turned water to wine. …Huey wanted to follow in his footsteps and give bread to the hungry. Those of us who are Black today ought to say thank God that he came to America in a time like this. I don’t know how to make it plain, but he loved children, just like Jesus loved children. He loved children because he wanted children to have breakfast, didn’t want them to go to school in the morning without breakfast. And I tell you, if I were not a justice-oriented white man I’d be ashamed. I’d be ashamed because in America today, the richest nation in the world, hunger is at an all time high. There [are] homeless here, but nobody has said anything to the man of teflon [i.e., President Reagan], but they honor him. I’d be ashamed today that they let him get away with all of the things he got away with but didn’t recognize that the students in Huey’s school had unwanted children in them, unwanted even by the public schools, unwanted even by their familes, and the teachers were there not only as teachers, but as parents, as counselors, as nurses. They were their friends, they ate breakfast, lunch, dinner with the children. And some of these children are–yes–making a contribution to American life, and to the life of all people. We ought to celebrate that this afternoon.

 

[applause]

A good word about my brother. And I want you to know that nobody talked to him about him as an intellectual. In Search of Common Ground, Conversations with Eric H. Erickson. And you can’t get through Stanford, you can’t get through any good university without reading some Eric Erickson. And Huey had dialogue with Eric at Yale. And if he were not an intellectual, W.W. Norton Company would not have published it. And he could say with Socratese, “the unexamined life is not worth living.” And he could work with Hegel’s dialectical materialism, moving from thesis to antithesis to synthesis again, and then moving from there to still a higher form of evolutionary destiny. But you see, they don’t like to point black men up as thinkers. We have to scratch our heads, pop our fingers, dance. It’s alright for us to rap, but when we get to mapping out our own destiny, then we in trouble again. Revolutionary Suicide, Harcourt Brace Jovanovitch, Incorporated. A hardback book over some 320 pages. Here is a man who may not had the best of schooling in his infancy years; even as a teenager he could not read well, by his own testimony. But later in life he had earned his PhD degree from the University of California in Berkeley [actually it was University of California, Santa Cruz]. And he didn’t buy that degree. We have a lot of people in town with bought degrees. He didn’t back up and get that degree but his own integrity, discipline, and hard work gave him that degree.

 

Black men, black boys, black girls! Just remember that greatness is not predicated on how high you reach, but the depths from which you’ve come. When I look at him, it’s not how high he’s gone, but it’s the depths from which he’s come. And because he’s been touched from above…see you didn’t have anything to do with his greatness, but there’s somebody bigger than you and I, who made the sun, who made the moon, who made the stars… Somebody bigger than you and I.

I must not preach too long. But if you’ll just allow me to read from the Negritude Poets, an anthology of translations of blackt poets from the French. And I discovered that there is a French-speaking poet by the name of Massillon Coicou, who describes from African perspectives the contextual sitz im leben of Huey Newton. And he’s writing a Lord’s Prayer:

[reads poem] [from The Negritude Poets: An Anthology of Translations from the French / edited and with an introd. by Ellen Conroy Kennedy. Publisher: New York: Viking Press, [1975]]

 

And yes, Huey was not an abstract, armchair, speculative philosopher. He felt that the word should become flesh. And he did not talk about a sweet by and by, but he addressed the nasty now and now. And that’s why we still have an unfinished agenda, an agenda that reminds us that destructive forces are at work in the streets, threats and lies never leave its streets. But you and I must get up out of the rocking chair of complacency and work on the unfinished agenda. We cannot say like David, “Oh, that I had the wings of a dove I’d fly away and be at rest,” because that’s kind of escapism. But we gotta get down in the trenches, roll up our sleeves, and then we have to remember that what the man was trying to tell us, that we can’t wait for Republicans to help us, can’t wait for Democrats to do it for us. I’m so glad we we’ve got Ron Dellums there, I’m so glad…but you and I have to roll up our sleeves and make this place a better place. You and I will have to close the gap. You and I will have to join our hands together.

 

You know, I’m so sorry that John George has gone on home. …I wanted to get all the information I could get for the eulogy, so I found a way of getting UPI press reports, and I said give me… do a computer search on Huey P. Newton. The computer came back and said I got over 500 articles; I can’t give you all of that information. So I had to do what I was doing when I was working on my doctorate. I had to delimit my search. And then it gave me selected information:

July 3, 1977, Sunday, Final Edition, The Washington Post. They quote John George: “I don’t think I could have won without the Panthers’ help. They are a strong force in Oakland.”

 

Yes…in this same…yes, we don’t have a …anybody from the Mayor’s office? But the mayor is a good man. And, but what I want to tell you, that we do have his own campaign manager, Mr. Wasserman, saying in this computer search that he received very unusually strong help from the Panthers in getting the flatland [Oakland community] to know that they could make a difference. With the Panthers’ involvement, Oakland was able to get the very first black mayor. You better not forget that!

 

[applause]

I want us to know that we about to lose our gains if we knock one another off. If more of us run for the office then should have. You know what I’m talking about. One of the things that the black community must remember is that we may Muslim, some of us; some of us may be Baptist; some of us may be humanistic. But we all have a common destiny, because our skin is black. And whether you want to admit it or not you can rise no higher than the lowest of your brethren.

 

[applause]

There’s a PhD here…a PhD from Berkeley… Dr. George Cummings…where are you, George? Stand up, George! Teaches Black Studies. Teaches Black Theology. He said, “I wouldn’t be teaching Black Theology were it not for Huey Netwon.” If you call it “Black Theology,” they say it’s not legitimate. But there’s Roman Catholic theology according to the Irish Catholics; there’s Roman Catholic theology according to the Northern Europeans. And then there is American theology according to Jerry Falwell. But we need a liberation theology that says, “Go down Moses, tell old Pharoah to let my people go!” And don’t you know, Pharoah is well in America today. I can’t understand why every time they turn on the television set and show arrests about drugs, it’s always poor black people that they’re picing up. [applause] But we better wise up a little bit. We don’t have any ships to bring it here. We don’t have any airplanes to fly it in here. And if you can get a man on the moon, and if you can get Neptune in space, and if you got that sophisticated FBI equipment that harrassed the Black Panthers, why can’t you figure out who’s bringing dope in this community.

 

[applause]

I’m going to close now… I’m going to close now…but when I was just…well, I’ve just got to tell you this: the Black Panther Headquarters down the street from us, you think it’s closed? It’s not closed! Truth! Yes, across the earth! It’s going to rise up again! Yes, it will! The Panther sold Allen Temple that building where they put out… used to put out the Black Panther newspaper. And this Black Panther paper, called Co-evolution, Huey said, “sell it to them.” Thank you, Huey! Yes! Sell it to them! They’ll do the right thing. Sell it to them! They love the people. Sell it to them! Don’t give it to the real estate folk. Sell it to them! Sell it to Allen Temple. Sold it to us at a mark-down price. Yes! We going to build a school there. [applause] Yes! He’s going to live. Truth is going to live. Truth across the earth will rise again. We got 21 computers, teaching black children computer language. But when we get that building fixed up, we’ll have 40 computers then.

 

When I first came, young people were saying “Free at Last! Free Huey! Free Huey! Free Huey!” How many of you used to say “Free Huey?” Say it like you used to say it.

 

[audience: "Free Huey!"]

Say it one more time!

 

[audience: "Free Huey!"]

Say it one more time!

 

[audience: "Free Huey!"]

Well, let me tell you, he’s free!! He’s free!!!

 

Reverend Frank Pinkard

 

(President, Baptist Ministers Union, Oakland)

 

To my brothers and sister assembled here, and to my family–the Newton family–it is fitting that we be here today, for, indeed, a great warrior has fallen–a warrior of the People, who understood the People, and a warrior who, without reservation, gave himself to the People. They feared Huey P. Newton in life, they fear him even more in death.

[applause]

 

They fear him because they know that the spirit, the will, and the determination of Huey P. Newton lives on, and will live on, as long as we are part of an indifferent, uncaring, racist society. They called Huey P. Newton a gangster, but we know who the gangsters are. It was the gangsters who enslaved a race of people. It was the gangsters who snatched babies from mothers arms, never to be seen again. It was the gangsters who practiced genocide on red people. It was the gangsters who attempted to annihilate yellow people. It was the gangsters who wanted to count ketchup as part of a nutritional breakfast for starving people. We know who the gangsters are!

 

[applause]

And let me tell you something as I take my seat. Speaker after speaker has said, and they are true: “we ought to do something.” And if all of you who have walked by and looked at Huey, if all of you who are here assembled–and don’t fool yourself, the gangsters are here too–if all of you who are here will remember the name of the Alameda County District Attorney, and the next time it’s time to vote, if all of you will vote No! No! No! will he be able to call Huey, or no other hero of the People a gangster?

 

[applause]

Huey tried to tell us that we are not powerless. Huey tried to tell us that we are not pawns in some diabolical game that low-minded men play. Huey tried to tell us that the people do have power. The question is, will you stand on your feet and exercise your power?

[applause]

 

I leave you with this. I leave you with this. The oppressed people of the world have a Hall of Fame. In that Hall of Fame there hangs a portrait of DuBois. In that Hall of Fame there stands a portrait of Denmark Vesey. In that Hall of Fame there’s a portait of Nat Turner. In that Hall of Fame there is also a portrait with stars all around it of Huey P. Newton. Yes! Yes! Yes! I go to my seat, but I tell you as I go to my seat: Huey is not dead! Huey still walks the streets of East Oakland. Huey still walks the streets of West Oakland. Huey still walks the streets of North Oakland, and as long as there is a struggle for freedom and dignity, Huey will live and walk among the People!

[applause]

 

Bobby Seale

 

[puts on Black Panther black tam and raises his fist in a Black Power salute]

All Power to the People!

 

[audience: "All Power to the People!']

And as we used to say, “Right On!”

 

[audience" "Right On!]

 

Yeah!

Number One. We want Freedom. We want power to determine our destiny in our own Black communities. That was number one that we wrote, Huey P. Newton and I, in October of 1966 in a War on Poverty office at 55th and Market Street. We had the keys to the place, and we down there, and was using the government’s paper and stuff, and we sit down and we wrote “Number One: We want power to determine our destiny in our own Black community.” We were coming from the whole context of the whole Sixties movement.

 

We were coming from the whole context of having digested and studied that African American and Black people’s history, from Africa all the way up through to where we were. We were coming from and dealing with the whole concept of Power. Brother Stokely Carmichael and many others hit the scene and we started hollering: “Black Power! Black Beautiful Love, and Black Power” And Huey says, “I think we need to develop some kind of functional definition of “Power.” And me and Huey got together–and this is before the Black Panther Party was started–but we got together and we moved around to various black student associations and black student groups from University of California, San Francisco State. We were already at Merritt College [Oakland]. And we had various kinds of discussions with various friends and brothers and sisters in the the black community, including Brother Ron Dellums, there at that time, before he ever ran for political office.

 

And when we got to moving and to beginning to understand, and analyze, and question, and as Huey Newton liked to say, investigate. “He or she who assumes without investigation, nine times out of ten is dead wrong. You got to investigate.” And Huey P. Newton came up, he says, ” Bobby I think I got it–a functional definition of power. Huey says, “Power is the ability to define phenomena, then in turn make it act in a desired manner.” Power is the ability to define phenomena, then in turn make it act in a desired manner. I said, “Right, Huey. I see what you’re talking about.” Be that phenomena found in nature or be that phenomena found in the political, economic and social and human relationships between people and racial groups, or what have you. But power is the ability to define phenomena and make it act in a desired manner. We understood the phenomena, because we took time to dig into our African history. We took time to understand what it meant to be a proud human being. We understood the phenomenon of racism. We understood it in a clearcut, practicing, ongoing, sense. That’s the way we understood it.

 

We went out and we got 5,000 signatures to give to the North Oakland Service Center Board, that we worked for–most people don’t know we worked for the North Oakland Service Center Board at that time for the Department of Human Resources, city government of Oakland. But we went out and got those 5,000 signatures. [applause] We and got those 5,000 signatures calling for a Police Community Review Board–still before the Black Panther Party had even started. We got them 5,000 signatures, and gave them to them, and they tried to get on the city council to get them to set up a Police Community Review Board,. But the phenomenon of the racist mentality that made up the City Council of Oakland, California reject it. We defined the phenomenon as racist. We defined the phenomenon as a rascist city council that runs a police agencies and other government agencies that do not serve the basic desires and needs of the people in the black community. Power is the ability to define phenomena and make it act in a desired manner. That’s Huey’s functional definition of power, and it stands today, it is part of what we go into the future with.

 

Number Two: we wanted full employment for our people.

 

Number Three: We wanted decent housing fit for shelter of human beings

 

Number Four: We wanted decent education that tells us about our true history and the racist nature of this society

 

Number Five: We wanted an end to the corrupt capitalist robbery of our black community.

 

Number Six: We wanted all black men and women to be exempt from military service.

 

Number Seven: We wanted an immediate end to police brutality and murder of black people.

 

Number Eight: We wanted all black brothers and sisters when brought to trial to be tried by jury of peers.

 

And Number Nine: we wanted all black brothers and sisters who had already been tried by an all white jury to have the right to another trial, because they had not had a fair trial.

 

[applause]

And when we finished writing that night, October 1966, we got to Number 10, we said, “well let’s try to sum this up: We said we wanted land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace.” We wrote it down. I said, “Huey, we need something else.” He said, “I think we need something else too. We’ve got to sum up the meaning of this.” I mean this was the founding documentation that Huey and I put together, but we had to figure it out. We had a legal service up there at that North Oakland Neighborhood Services where we worked there. And Huey was always into books, always researching certain laws and stuff like this here. And I was reading something one day, I says, “Huey, come here!” I said, “looky here; look at this document.” He says, “Oh, yeah!” He’d read this document before. And we read and read and read. “…say this document is the thing that should sum up our ten point platform and program here. Right! That’s what we should do.” I said, “Right!” I said, “man this … if you think about what this document is saying here–it ain’t talking about racial separation.” I said, “ain’t talking about all that stuff…” I said, “it’s talking about human needs to change things.” And that document goes like this– the way we summed up that Ten Point Platform and Program:

“When in the course of Human Events it becomes necessary for one people to separate themselves from the political bondage which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind dictate that they should declare the causes which impel them to that separation.”

 

Hold on! There was a second paragraph there! There was a second paragraph there!”

 

And beyond the words…and deed, etcetera, there was one specific line–a sentence or two–that Huey and I was extremely interested in, that truly attracted us as why we used that document. And Huey said, “this is the point here,” and it went like this:

 

“When a long train of abuses and usurpations pursues and invariably evinces a design to reduce a people under absolute despotism, then it is the right of the People to alter or change that government and to provide New Guards for their future security and happiness.”

 

Declaration of Independence, United States of America!

 

[applause]

 

Huey and I went out there. I followed Huey, I loved Huey. I understood his insights. I mean, Huey would stand and say, articulate dialectical materialism…I could understand to communicate what was happening. You know, I was a stage person, I’d been a jazz drummer, I’d been a standup comedian, I’d worked at Kaiser aerospace and electronics on the Gemini missle project. But here was J. Edgar Hoover and Ronald Reagan, then, trying to call me and Huey a bunch of hoodlums and thugs. Said nothing about the fact that Huey had already graduated from Merritt College. Said nothing about the fact that Huey had put another year in law school. Said nothing about the fact that all the community work and community service Huey had already done before we created the Black Panther Party. Said nothing about that the fact that I’d been a stand-up comedian and a jazz drummer. Said nothing about the fact that my father had raised me to be a carpenter and a builder [and] was an architect by the time I was 18. Said nothing about the fact that Huey’s mother and my mother taught us to share and share alike and to do unto others as you would have others do unto you. They said nothing about that! But we gonna a move on up; we gonna get on to the future. Because Huey used to say, in dialectics, everything is a forward movement, and is about the future. It is about our youth.

 

In fact, I work at Temple University, I live in Philadelphia…but I’m saying, even in this context… The last time I saw brother Huey, five and a half or so years ago, right here…in Oakland, California, we spent a day together, meeting a lot of brothers and sisters, shaking hands, running around to different communities, because it was good for people to see us, and rap and talk together. I talked to him a bit. I mentioned the fact that we needed to create a Black Panther Party, a Black Panter archive or community education institute of some kind. And he say, “Yeah.” He says “Bobby,” he says “you are one of the best organizers I ever was associated with.” And I says, “I’m gonna do that some day.” And I’ve been working hard to do that, and doing different kinds of things to raise funds, but my point is the African American Panthers Archival Institute, Community Education Archival Institute, I’m going to attempt to initiate the first framework in Philidelphia. Talk to brother Bobby Rush to initiate another framework in Chicago, and all the brothers and sisters here, David [David Hilliard] here and the rest of the Black Panther Party members, I want you to pull together, and we going to work together, and across this nation…and we want to all set up the framework of the African American Panthers Archival Institute, Community Education Archival Institute, right here in Oakland, California.

 

[applause]

 

Hold on! Hold on!

 

Because you brothers and sisters, those breakfast programs, those preventative medical health care clinics, those sickle cell anemia testing programs…do you realize, did anyone ever tell you all, that the Black Panther Party…the Black Panther Party, all the way from Boston back, we tested over 1 1/2 million black people for for sickle cell anemia in the United States of America, and that was more testing then all government agencies, hospitals and clinics put together throughout the United States!

 

I mean, looky here: the spirit of Huey P. Newton, you know, the spirit of Huey P. Newton was greater than the Man’s technology. And what he meant by that: You, the People, the People’s spirit, the spirit of the People, is always greater than the Man’s technology. Power to the People, brothers and sisters, I love you.

 

[applause]

Reverend Cecil Williams

I know you are wondering why I am standing over here. This is Dr. Smith’s pulpit. First of all, let me say that I am thankful for the church. [applause] I am thankful for the church in the black communities and the poor communities of America. I am thankful for Allen Temple Baptist Church.

About a year ago, a year and a half ago, Huey called me up and said I want to talk to you about something, brother. And I said, “OK.” So he came over; “we set the time and he came over. And I said to myself, “what does Huey want now?” Here he comes. And when he walked in, we embraced each other. And he sat down, and he said, “I want to know, can you make me a minister?” I said, “I’m a united Methodist, how can I…?” He said, “No, No, No! Can you put your hands on me? Anoint me, so I can go on and start preaching?” I said, “No, man, my bishop, my boss…I don’t have that kind of authority. I don’t have that kind of authority!” He said, “Well, I want to be a preacher, a minister!” So we talked for a long time. He also checked around with other ministers. I don’t know what happened. But Huey…I came here to say to you, that we are here to anoint you today as our minister, you see… A preacher!

[applause]

Now, if you don’t understand what a preacher is, listen to this:

In the year that king Josiah died, I saw the Lord, and he was sitting on a lofty throne, and the temple was filled with his glory. Hovering about him were mighty, six-winged angels of fire. With two of their wings, they covered their face, with two others they covered their feet, and with two others, they flew in a great, almighty expression, dramatization. The whole earth is full with His Glory. Such singing as you’ve never heard before. Such clapping as you’ve never heard before. (I’m using a little of my stuff now) Such shouting as you’ve never heard before. And all of a sudden, he said, “Then I said–when the room…the temple was filled with smoke–then I said, “My doom is sealed, for I am a foul-mouthed sinner, a member of a sinful, foul-mouthed race, and I have looked upon the King, the Lord of Heaven’s armies. Then one of the mighty angels flew over to the alter, and with a pair of tongs, picked out a burning coal. And he touched my lips, and said, “Now you are pronounced NOT GUILTY! Because this coal has touched your lips, your sins are forgiven.” And then I heard the Lord saying, “When shall I send as a messenger to my people? Who will go? And I said, “Lord…” Wait a minute… I said, “Lord…Lord, I’ll go! Send me!”

And I can hear Huey Newton today saying, “Lord! Here am I! Send me to the people! Let me be your messenger.” And the scripture goes on to say: Yeah, but they won’t hear you, and they’ll turn their backs upon you. And he said, “Let me go on anyway! I want to be your messenger. I want to tell a story. I want to tell the story of my people. I want to make sure that the ground is sound, and I want to make sure that the eyes are open. I want to make sure that ears are open. I want to make sure that minds which are closed will be open. I want to make sure about life being lived in a new way, where the oppressed are not oppressed anymore. I want to live and help other people live.” And they said, “OK. Go on. Go on.” And Huey went on.

Now, here is the…here’s the critical thing: What is a messenger? Is it…let me…see when your lips and tongue have been touched with hot tongs, with a hot, burning cinder, you wonder, what’s going on here. Well, let me tell you something… Why do you think Ron Dellums can speak the way he speaks? Why do you think that Elaine Brown can speak and sing the way she speaks and sings? Why do you think that Melvin Newton can talk his talk and speak the way he speaks? Why do you think that Frank Pinkard and Father Earl , and Dr. Smith, and his son, here… Why do you think that black folks can speak the way they speak? It is because we have had the fire touch our tongues and our lips, and we are on fire from the inside. And why do you get on fire from the inside? It’s because we have come to understand that conditions get hard and worse sometimes. That we lost in many ways, but we knew we had to win, we had to gain. So we kept on in the midnight hours, when mothers and grandmothers would call to the children and say, “We got to get away, but we’ll be back one of these days!” It’s that kind of thrust that helps us to be on fire from the inside. And you want to know what a messenger is? A messenger is one who speaks with fire. Ron [Dellums] just said to me, “When the brothers and sisters get to talking, they really show how angry they are.” That’s part of it. When you get up, you can’t stand up and be chilled out, and cool, and calm. Let me tell you something: what you got to come to understand, is that when you’ve been through trials and tribulations, and when you’ve been pushed aside and humiliated, and dogged, and talked about, you can’t sit there and be cool, and walk around and say everything’s alright. You’ve got to stand up, shout sometime. You’ve to sing sometime, and let the temple, the church be full of His Glory…full of His Glory.

Now, let me go to the New Testament here real quick…because if you don’t understand this, you don’t understand what Huey was about. Fourth chapter…listen to this…fourth chapter, beginning at about the 18th or 19th verse…listen to this: “The spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach Good News to the poor. He has sent me to heal the broken hearted, and to announce the captives shall be released, and the blind shall see, and the downtrodden shall be freed from their oppression. And that God is ready to give blessing to all that will come to him. The spirit of the Lord moves in mysterious places and affects all kinds of messengers, but I can tell you this, that for those of us who know the Church, and those of us who know the community, and those of us who respond to people, we know that the spirit of the Lord has come [recording skip]…never thought that we’d be uplifted. The spirit of the Lord has moved us out, so we can make sure that in the walking with Huey, and the understanding of Huey, that we begin to feed people, that we begin to make sure that health care is there, and that we visit people in the jail, in fact, Huey did a lot of visiting in the jail, didn’t he? The important thing is, we gotta know that there are people out there who are blind and lame, and people who can’t hear, and people who are dysfunctional, but what we got to do is move out with the spirit. We got to let the spirit contain us and move us and take us on.

Now, finally, the captors (?). What do we need relieving from? What do we…first of all, we need relieving from oppression. We need relieving from that which holds us back. We need relieving from that which keeps us down. We need our minds and our hearts and our spirits changed. We need it at this time as a black people and a poor people, to go on and not ever give up. We got to let the spirit be that which moves us from our captivity by which we are caught. And finally, let me say this: if the spirit of the Lord is upon me, the spirit of the Lord was upon Huey Newton, because it was the spirit of the Lord who made him a preacher. Now, he may not know it…now, you know, he didn’t have…he didn’t have…he didn’t have a credential degrees of being a minister. He didn’t need those degrees. He had his degrees. When he went to jail, he got a degree. When fed the People, he got a degree. When he stood with those who were about to give up, and knew that they were suffering severely in the projects, he got a degree. When he marched (alone?) with the Panthers up to Sacramento, you got a degree. I’m telling you, the degrees were his.

So, you have been anointed a long time ago, Huey. And what I want to do is let you know that we’d like to make sure that the word goes with you, and we want to make sure there’s a bible that goes with you, because you embraced the word, and the word embraced you. You are the messenger(s). Now, one thing, folks, don’t just sit…come in here today and be stirred up and go on about your business tomorrow. We can’t do that to Huey. We can’t do that to the spirit of those who’ve gone on before us. Somebody said to me a few minutes ago, outside said, “You mean to tell me that all the leaders are gone?” Don’t you know that everybody is a leader in the black community? [applause] They don’t understand that. And let me say this, that you can’t sit back on your laurels, and just look up and say, “Send it to me, Lord.” You got to get out there in the vinyard and you got to plow deep. You got to plant the seed. You got to touch the babies. You got to make sure that those are addicted and mothers who are suffering addiction in the black community, that they don’t create genocide with crack cocaine in the black community. That we give life at this time, rather than death.

It’s time for us, my brothers and sisters, to know that the spirit is moving us, the messengers are here. You are the messengers. I’m telling you now, it’s time for us to stand up. What time is it? It’s time to stand up. What TIME is it? [audience: Time to stand up!] Time to stand up! What TIME is it? [audience: Time to stand up!] Time to stand up! Huey P. Newton got the clock and turned the time at a fast rate, and said to America: You got to stop racism and sexism, and you got to stop classism. And what we are trying to do is make sure that that clock doesn’t get turned back by society. It’s time for us to turn the clock. …[recording skip] What do you do with your time? You stand up! What do you do with your time? You stand up! Are you a messenger? Yes, I’m a messenger! Is the spirit on you today? Yes!, the spirit’s on me! If the spirit’s on you, then you’ll do something about it. Amen!

 

Congressman Ron Dellums

This moment is not something that I have sought, but this is a moment that people have asked me to embrace. The last three weeks have been very painful and terrible time in my life. This is the seventh funeral in three weeks. Sandrai (?) Swanson’s brother died saving some other human being; the brother I never had died in Ethiopia– Micky Leland and my staff died in Ethiopia, and other people died in Ethiopia. Huey Newton died on the streets of Oakland. I just briefly want to say that remember in 1966, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale and others tried to remind America of its violence: the violence of war, the violence of police brutality, the violence of poverty, racism, sexism, chauvenism, and all forms of oppression. And it’s ironic, tragically ironic, that the very same streets that Huey tried to make safe for the children, are the streets that took his life. But all over this country there are mothers dying and…mothers crying and children dying.

My final comment to you is the tribute to Huey ought to be this: as it is a tribute to Mickey Leland ought to be this. The tribute to John George, and Bobby Seale and and others ought to be this. We ought to go to Washington by the tens of thousands, the way the Chinese students went to Bejing. I sat here listening very carefully to everybody. But I’ve been in Washington eighteen and a half years, and this is the most propitious moment to stand up, not to take a march to Washington for one day.. but [recording skip] to go to Washington for the long haul. Bush said to the Chinese government, I am sorry that you didn’t negotiate with the Chinese students. Why don’t hundreds of thousands of you go to Washington, D.C. and say, “Negotiate with me to end poverty, drug addiction, pain, human misery, war, death and destruction?”

[applause]

As I said before, it’s not fun going to work every day now. We’re talking about honorariums and ethics bills and Jim Wright, and what have you. But it would be an honor to go to work, stepping over several hundred thousand of you coming to Washington D.C. to right the wrongs, to challenge the evil, and to make this old world a better place for our children and our children’s children. That would be a testimony to Huey P. Newton.

[applause]

 

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The New Afrikan Black Panther Party – An Introduction

The New Afrikan Black Panther Party – An Introduction

ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE!

My name is Shaka Zulu. I am the Chairman of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party (NABPP), a revolutionary nationalist vanguard Party in the tradition of the original Black Panther Party. Our ideology is called Pantherism, illuminated by Marxist-Leninist- Maoism (MLM). Pantherism is the theory and practice of socialist revolution for all oppressed people across the world. Pantherism holds that in order to defeat our oppressors we must build base areas of social, cultural and political power in our own oppressed communities.

We see our Party as the 21st century embodiment of the original Black Panther Party (BPP). We have set up our Party Organization in a way that absorbs ALL who can help in the development of NABPP as a cutting edge proletarian vanguard Party. We are inviting you to put your talent and energy in a revolutionary vanguard Party. The many Panther formations that have sprung up across the country, while a good thing because it means that people are doing things to advance the national liberation struggle, cannot liberate the masses from the junk of bourgeois culture until we form a fighting party, an advance detachment of proletarian consciousness and activism.
We think that it is absolutely important for all of us to be united and together as Panthers, as one huge revolutionary family cemented with Panther Love. Panther Love is revolutionary love, liberating love, world changing love. We believe that Panther Love as a viable means of unity will enable us to better advance our strategy of “Turn the Iron Houses of Oppression into Schools of Liberation, and the Oppressed Communities into Base Areas of Cultural, Social and Political Revolution.”
We have to be together to collectively deal the avarice vampire monopoly capitalist a final death blow. While we fight and divide at the bottom, the monopoly capitalist are cooperating locally and globally to maintain capitalist imperialism oppression and domination over places like Afrika, Central Asia, Latin Amerika, the Middle East, and the various oppressed nations in empireland. We cannot defeat them by being scattered and loose. We need a powerful force such as democratic centralism. Our struggle is not a race struggle, but a class struggle, an international struggle against capitalist imperialist structures which perpetuate the economic exploitation of resources, lands, markets, wage-workers, and the environment.

The Maoist Movement is international–which means that if we intend on sowing seeds of world socialist revolution–we should be proud to raise the Red flag from a position of unity.

In the Party’s newspaper Right On! #1, we stated that “Understand¬ing the role that the party must play is also understanding the role others must play and how these roles fit together to serve the highest interests of humanity. The Party cannot be all things. Its special purpose is to represent the future in the movement of the present and illuminate the path forward. It is a Black revolutionary nationalist party that recognizes that class struggle and socialist revolution is the path forward.”
The solution to all of our problems come down to revolution, socialist revolution and the correct practice of Pantherism, which is the 21st century ideology of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party-PC (NABPP). So while the monopoly capitalist class oppressors remain united, our ranks exude the death of division and petty squabbles over who hold the principle political line. It comes down to really understanding the tricks the ruling class historically, consistently use to keep us divided.
Comrade Tom Big Warrior stated so eloquently in his forward to “Black Youth and the Criminalization of a Generation” that the oppressors have a strategy that unite neo-liberals and neo-conservatives all over the world. And in order to defeat them, we must develop our strategy–of building base areas of cultural, social, and political revolution–of going amongst the people and organizing and mobilizing them to take on the historic mission of making revolution.
Comrades! We have a marvelous role to play, an historic task to complete, a great opportunity to turn our single fingers into a fist of revolutionary unity by getting together under the leadership of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party (NABPP). We need you! We invite all sincere, honest, loyal Comrades to struggle with us to free New Afrikan people and all oppressed people across the world. Pantherism is the key here.
We leave you with these words from Comrade Huey: “But to achieve such freedom, we must all start at the bottom. We must fight as brothers [sisters], each in our own community or ghetto, but against the common enemy that deprives’ us of our identity, that is, that exploits us economically, politically, culturally. We are then both nationalist and internationalist. We fight for our freedom in our own terrain, but in alliance with everyone who fights: our enemy, not just because we need each other tactically but because we are brothers [sisters].”
All Power to the People!





10-Point Program and Platform of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party (NABPP)
1. We want Freedom! We want power to determine the destiny of Our Black and oppressed Community.
We believe that Black and oppressed people will not be free until We are able to determine Our destiny in our community ourselves, by fully controlling all the institutions which exist in our community.
2. We want full employment for Our people.
We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every person employment or a guaranteed income. We believe that if the american businessman will not give full employment, then the technology and the means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living.
3. We want an end to the robbery by the CAPITALIST of Our Black and oppressed Community.
We believe that this racist government has robbed us and now We are demanding the overdue debt of forty acres and two mules. Forty acres and two mules was promised over 100 years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of Black people. We will accept the payment in currency which will be distributed to Our many communities. The American racist has taken part in the slaughter of over fifty million Black people; therefore, We feel that this is a modest demand that We make.
4. We want decent housing fit for shelter of human beings.
We believe that if the landlord will not give decent housing to Our Black and oppressed community, then the housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that the people in our community, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for the people.
5. We want decent education for Our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us Our true history and Our role in present-day society.
We believe in an educational system that will give to Our people a knowledge of self. If a person does not have knowledge of themselves and their position in society and the world, then you will have little chance to know anything else.
6. We want completely free health care for all Black and oppressed people
We believe that the government must provide, free of charge, for the people, health facilities which will not only treat our illnesses, most of which have come about as a result of our oppression, but which will also develop preventive medical programs to guarantee our future survival. We believe that mass health education and research programs must be developed to give all black and oppressed people access to advanced scientific and medical information, so we may provide ourselves with proper medical attention and care.
7. We want an immediate end to POLICE BRUTALITY and MURDER of Black people, other people of color, all oppressed people inside the united states.
We believe that the racist and fascist government of the united states uses its domestic enforcement agencies to carry out its program of oppression against Black people, other oppressed people and poor people inside the united states. We believe it is our right, therefore, to defend ourselves against such armed forces and that all black and oppressed people should be armed for self-defense of our homes and communities against these fascist police forces.
8. We want an immediate end to all wars of aggression.
We believe that the various conflicts which exist around the world stem directly from the aggressive desire of the united states ruling circle and government to force its domination upon the oppressed people of the world. We believe that if the united states government or its lackeys do not cease these aggressive wars it is the right of the people to defend themselves by any means necessary against their aggressors.
9. We want freedom for all black and oppressed people now held in u.s. federal, state, county, city, and military prisons and jails. We want trials by a jury of peers for all persons charged with so-called crimes under the laws of this county.
We believe that the many Black and poor oppressed people now held in united states prisons and jails have not received fair and impartial trials under a racist and facist judiciary system and should be free from incarceration. We believe in the ultimate elimination of all wretched, inhuman penal institutions, because the masses of men and womyn imprisoned inside the united states or by the united states military are victims of oppressive conditions which are the real cause of their imprisonment.
We believe that when persons are brought to trial they must be guaranteed, by the united states, juries of their peers, attorneys of their choice and freedom from imprisonment while awaiting trial.
10. We demand bread, housing, education, clothing, justice, peace and people’s community control of modern technology.
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind require that they should declare the cause which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are most disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, that to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpation, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.
All members and potential members must study and memorize Our Ten Point Program and Platform.
ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE!
Shaka Zulu 661323B
NSP
PO Box 2300
168 Frontage Rd.
Newark, NJ 07114
NABPP
PO BOX 4362
Allentown, PA 18105

Anti-COINTELPRO demonstration at Nebraska State Capitol for the Omaha Two

Anti-COINTELPRO demonstration at Nebraska State Capitol for the Omaha Two

By Michael Richardson, COINTELPRO Examiner
http://www.examiner.com/cointelpro-in-national/anti-cointelpro-demonstration-at-nebraska-state-capitol-for-the-omaha-two

Several dozen demonstrators spread a 30 foot banner across the entrance to the Nebraska State Capitol on Tuesday in behalf of the Omaha Two.  Ed Poindexter and Mondo we Langa (formerly David Rice) are serving life sentences at the Nebraska State Penitentiary in Lincoln for the 1970 murder of an Omaha policeman.

The Omaha Two were convicted after a COINTELPRO-tainted trial where Federal Bureau of Investigation Director J. Edgar Hoover had ordered evidence withheld from the jury.  Poindexter and Mondo were leaders of Omaha’s Black Panther affiliate chapter and targets of Hoover’s clandestine war of counterintelligence against domestic political activists.

Serving 41 years in prison, the Omaha Two are among America’s longest-held political prisoners.

The capitol steps demonstration was organized by Ben Jones of the Anti-Oppression Art project.  Jones used Facebook to help recruit people to help hold the giant banner.

Ed Poindexter and Mondo we Langa continue to maintain their innocence for the murder of Larry MInard, Sr. on August 17, 1970.  Minard and seven other Omaha police officers were lured to a vacant house by an anonymous 911 call about a woman screaming.  Instead of a woman, police found a booby-trapped suitcase filled with dynamite which exploded in Minard’s face as examined it.-

J. Edgar Hoover ordered the FBI crime laboratory to withhold a report on its analysis of a recording of the 911 call.  Omaha police had sent the tape to Washington to determine the identity of the anonymous caller.  The unknown caller presented a problem in making a case against the two Black Panther leaders.

For a year prior to the bombing, Paul Young, the Special Agent-in-Charge of the Omaha FBI office had been under pressure from Hoover to eliminate the Black Panther leadership.  After the Omaha Two trial in April 1971, where the jury never got to hear the voice of Minard’s killer on the 911 tape, Young was rewarded for his role in the case with a transfer to head the Kansas City FBI office.

Ivan Willard Conrad, the FBI laboratory director, talked with Hoover about the unusual request to withhold information since it involved the death of a policeman.  Hoover told Conrad to withhold a report on the identity of the caller which Conrad noted on the COINTELPRO memo about the tape.  Hoover never publicly acknowledged his role in the frame-up.

The Omaha Two are on the agenda Saturday at the Left Forum at Pace University in New York.  The title of the panel discussion is Remembering Our Comrades and is one of the opening sessions.

For further information on the Omaha Two click HERE – http://www.examiner.com/omaha-two-story-in-national

Permission granted to reprint

Notes and quotes from Huey Newton’s autobiography

Since today is the 70th anniversary of Huey P Newton’s birth, I thought I’d share some of my thoughts on his autobiography, ‘Revolutionary Suicide’. In my opinion, Revolutionary Suicide is a crucial contribution to the field of revolutionary strategy and tactics, particularly for those working in the ‘belly of the beast’ – the imperialist countries of Europe and North America.

What made the Black Panther Party and affiliated black/brown power organisations so special? What made them stand out from the myriad of other radical/progressive/socialist organisations? I think the main thing is the fact that they were able to mobilise the *masses* – they were able to move beyond the usual middle-class left dogmas and outdated methodology (“fanning our flames to the hurricane”, to use George Jackson’s vivid expression) and really engage oppressed people in the struggle for their own freedom. Yes, they were smashed by the state; yes, many mistakes were made; but nevertheless they made unprecedented gains which we should actively learn from.

If you haven’t read it yet, I’d strongly recommend you to read ‘Revolutionary Suicide’, along with Huey’s ‘To Die For The People’, Bobby Seale’s book ‘Sieze the Time’, Assata Shakur’s autobiography and Mumia Abu Jamal’s ‘We Want Freedom’. That’s a minimum Panther reading list. Trust me, it’s worth it!

In terms of learning from Huey’s ideas about building a revolutionary movement, I think the following points from ‘Revolutionary Suicide’ are some of the key things for us to consider:

BUILD UNITY THROUGH REAL STRUGGLE. Learning to fight the oppressor is the way to stop fighting each other. Huey communicates this idea by relating the story of how, at his high school, the black students created unity in response to the dominance of white racist gangs.
BUILD UNITY THROUGH SHARED GOALS. Nobody agrees on everything, and yet left organisations insist on defining themselves on the basis of petty differences with each other. Work out a basic platform and move on it.
BUILD A SENSE OF COMMUNITY. Modern capitalism takes away our sense of community, of togetherness, or shared purpose. It promotes individualism and fear. Any revolutionary organisation or movement must seek to build unity and cooperation in the communities it works within. Socialism is built from the ground up.
BUILD ALTERNATIVE EDUCATION. The education system fails oppressed people. It teaches self-hate and subservience. The revolutionary must be an educator. Raising consciousness is a long-term, arduous, essential project and needs constant attention.
MOBILISE AMONG THE MOST OPPRESSED. Although the traditional US left was focusing its attentions on the industrial working class, the Panthers realised that this was not the most revolutionary class in society, as it had largely been bought off and was enjoying the fruits of imperialism and racism. Huey points out that a revolution must be built on the basis of those elements in society that have nothing to lose; that are ready to go against the system.
REVOLUTION STARTS NOW. Meet the survival needs of the people, in the here and now. Build power in the communities. Take responsibility. Political power doesn’t drop from the skies; it is built in real life, and that process begins now with the fight for survival. “Revolution is not an action; it is a process.”
ACTION SPEAKS LOUDER THAN WORDS. You can’t engage people with a load of talk and dogmatism. Find ways to get the attention of those people you want to revolutionise. Be relevant, be visible, get people moving in the struggle for real goals. No left-wing organisation that I know of in Britain gets anywhere near to this, as they have no roots in oppressed communities and therefore are not on the right wavelength.
BE RELEVANT. You don’t have to dumb down your ideas to be acceptable to the masses; you don’t have to take ‘popular’ positions; but you *do* have to be relevant. Many groups fail because they are completely divorced from the masses, and because they adopt an alienating, doctrinaire, superior attitude in relation to oppressed people.
STUDY THE ART OF REVOLUTION. Learn how others have developed movements and won freedom, and let their strategies inform yours.
BUILD YOUR OWN PLAN. While learning from others, remember that your struggle has its own unique characteristics, and therefore you must develop your own unique strategy based on a deep analysis of concrete conditions, rather than relying on blueprints or dogmas.
FIGHT THE POWER. Develop the skills to deal with the system on a daily level. Know your rights – with police, in school, with bailiffs etc. This is key for building pride, confidence and solidarity.
THE OPPRESSED MUST LEAD. Organisations have a definite need for people with what Huey calls “bourgeois skills” – middle class radicals with good writing, computer, administration skills etc. In many organisations unfortunately these skills bring leadership status to those that have them. This should be avoided!

Here are some quotes I thought were worth typing out:

On being a revolutionary

“I will fight until I die, however that may come. But whether I’m around or not to see it happen, I know that the transformation of society inevitably will manifest the true meaning of ‘all power to the people.’”

“By surrendering my life to the revolution, I found eternal life”

“The first lesson a revolutionary must learn is that he is a doomed man. Unless he understands this, he does not grasp the essential meaning of his life.”

“The oppressor cannot understand the simple fact that people want to be free. So, when a man resists oppression, they pass it off by calling him ‘crazy’ or ‘insane’”

“You can only die once, so do not die a thousand times worrying about it.”

On building a movement

“We discussed Mao’s program, Cuba’s program, and all the others, but concluded that we could not follow any of them. Our unique situation required a unique program. Although the relationship between the oppressor and the oppressed is universal, forms of oppression vary. The ideas that mobilised the people of Cuba and China sprang from their own history and political structures. The practical parts of those programs could be carried out only under a certain kind of oppression. Our program had to deal with America.”

“Che and Mao were veterans of people’s wars, and they had worked out successful strategies for liberating their people. We read these men’s works because we saw them as kinsmen; the oppressor who had controlled them was controlling us, both directly and indirectly. We believed it was necessary to know how they gained their freedom in order to go about getting ours. However, we did not want merely to import ideas and strategies; we had to transform what we learned into principles and methods acceptable to the brothers on the block.”

“To recruit any sizeable number of street brothers, we would obviously have to do more than talk. We needed to give practical applications of our theory, show them that we were not afraid of weapons and not afraid of death. The way we finally won the brothers over was by patrolling the police with arms.”

“Mao and Fanon and Guevara all saw clearly that the people had been stripped of their birthright and their dignity, not by any philosophy or mere words, but at gunpoint. They had suffered a holdup by gangsters, and rape; for them, the only way to win freedom was to meet force with force. At bottom, this is a form of self-defence.”

“We came to an important realisation: books could only point in a general direction; the rest was up to us.”

“Interested primarily in educating and revolutionising the community, we needed to get their attention and give them something to identify with.”

“It was my studying and reading in college that led me to become a socialist. The transformation from a nationalist to a socialist was a slow one, although i was around a lot of Marxists. I even attended a few meetings of the Progressive Labour Party, but nothing was happening there, just a lot of talk and dogmatism, unrelated to the world I knew. It was my life plus independent reading that made me a socialist – nothing else.”

“The street brothers were important to me, and I could not turn away from the life I shared with them. There was in them an intransigent hostility toward all sources of authority that had such a dehumanising effect on the community. In school the ‘system’ was the teacher, but on the block the system was everything that was not a positive part of the community.”

“[When we started patrolling the police] many community people could not believe at first that we had only their interest at heart. Nobody had ever given them any support or assistance when the police harassed them, but here we were, proud Black men, armed with guns and a knowledge of the law. Many citizens came right out of jail and into the party, and the statistics of murder and brutality by policemen in our communities fell sharply.”

“If we developed strong and meaningful alliances with white youth, they would support our goals and work against the establishment”

“Too many so-called leaders of the movement have been made into celebrities and their revolutionary fervour destroyed by mass media. The task is to transform society; only the people can do that – not heroes, not celebrities, not stars. A star’s place is in Hollywood; the revolutionary’s place is in the community with the people.”

“Revolution is not an action; it is a process.”

“The survival programs are a necessary part of the revolutionary process, a means of bringing the people close to the transformation of society.”

“The Breakfast for Children program was set up first. Other programs – clothing distribution centres, liberations schools, housing, prison projects, and medical centres – soon followed. We called them ‘survival programs pending revolution’, since we needed long-term programs and a disciplined organisation to carry them out. They were designed to help the people survive until their consciousness is raised, which is only the first step in the revolution to produce a new America. I frequently use the metaphor of the fact to describe the survival programs. A raft put into service during a disaster is not meant to change conditions but to help one get through a difficult time. During a flood the raft is a life-saving device, but it is only a means of getting to higher and safer ground.”

“We had the base now on which to construct a potent social force in the country. But some of our leading comrades lacked the comprehensive ideology needed to analyse events and phenomena in a creative, dynamic way. We [formed the] Ideological Institute, which has succeeded in providing the comrades with an understanding of dialectical materialism. About three hundred brothers and sisters attend classes to study in depth the works of great Marxist thinkers and philosophers.”

“I dissuade party members from putting down people who do not understand. Even people who are unenlightened and seemingly bourgeois should be answered in a polite way. Things should be explained to them as fully as possible. I was turned off by a person who did not want to talk to me because I was not important enough. After the Black Panther Party was formed, I nearly fell into this error. I could not understand why people were blind to what I saw so clearly. Then I realised that their understanding had to be developed.”

“My experiences in China reinforced my understanding of the revolutionary process and my belief in the necessity of making a concrete analysis of concrete conditions. The Chinese speak with great pride about their history and their revolution and mention often the invincible thoughts of Chairman Mao Tse-Tung. But they also tell you, ‘This was *our* revolution based upon a cornet analysis of concrete conditions, and we cannot direct you, only give you the principles. It is up to you to make the correct creative application.’ It was a strange yet exhilarating experience to have traveled thousands of miles, across continents, to hear their words. For this is what Bobby Seale and I had included in our own discussions five years earlier in Oakland, as we explored ways to survive the abuses of the capitalist system in the Black communities of America. Theory was not enough, we had said. We knew we had to act to bring about change. Without fully realising it then, we were following Mao’s belief that ‘if you want to know the theory and methods of revolution, you must take part in revolution. All genuine knowledge originates in direct experience.’”

“We must never take a stand just because it is popular. We must analyse the situation objectively and take the logically correct position, even though it may be unpopular. If we are right in the dialectics of the situation, our position will prevail.”

On education

“During those long years in Oakland public schools, I did not have one teacher who taught me anything relevant to my own life or experience.”

“Throughout my life all real learning has taken place outside school. I was educated by my family, my friends, and the street. Later, I learned to love books and I read a lot, but that had nothing to do with school. Long before, I was getting educated in unorthodox ways.”

“The clash of cultures in the classroom is essentially a class war, a socio-economic and racial warfare being waged on the battleground of our schools, with middle-class aspirating teachers provided with a powerful arsenal of half-truths, prejudices and rationalisations, arrayed against hopelessly outclassed working-class youngsters. This is an uneven balance, particularly since, like most battles, it comes under the guise of righteousness.” (quote from Kenneth Clark, ‘Dark Ghetto’)

“Strong and positive influences in my life helped me escape the hopelessness that afflicts so many of my contemporaries. My father gave me a strong sense of pride and self-respect. By brother Melvin awakened in me the desire to learn, and because of him I began to read. What I discovered in books led me to think, to question, to explore and finally to redirect my life.”

“I knew right there in prison that reading had changed forever the course of my life. As I see it today, the ability to read awoke inside me some long dormant craving to be mentally alive. My homemade education gave me, with every additional book I read, a little bit more sensitivity to the deafness, dumbness and blindness that was affecting the black race in America.” (quote from the Autobiography of Malcolm X)

On community

“When people in the congregation prayed for each other, a feeling of community took over; they were involved in each other’s problems and trying to help solve them. Here was a microcosm of what ought to have been going on outside in the community. I had the first glimmer of what it means to have a unified goal that involves the whole community and calls forth the strengths of the people to make things better.”

“Among the poor, social conditions and economic hardship frequently change marriage into a troubled and fragile relationship. A strong love between husband and wife can survive outside pressures, but that is rare. Marriage usually becomes one more imprisoning experience within the general prison of society.”

“Those in the community who defy authority and ‘break the law’ seem to enjoy the good life and have everything in the way of material possessions. On the other hand, people who work hard and struggle and suffer much are the victims of greed and indifference, losers. This insane reversal of values presses heavily on the Black community. The causes originate from outside and are imposed by a system that ruthlessly seeks its own rewards, no matter what the cost in wrecked human lives.”

On prison

“The state believes in the power of euphemism, that by putting pleasant name on a concentration camp they can change its objective characteristics. Prisons are referred to as ‘correctional facilities’ or ‘men’s colonies’, and so forth; to the name givers, prisoners become ‘clients’, as if the state of California were some vast advertising agency. But we who are prisoners know the truth; we call them penitentiaries and jails and refer to ourselves as convicts and inmates.”

“I have often pondered the similarity between prison experience and the slave experience of Black people. Both systems involve exploitation: the slave received no compensation for the wealth he produced, and the prisoner is expected to produce marketable goods for what amounts to no compensation. Slavery and prison life share a compete lack of freedom of movement. The power of those in authority is total, and they expect deference from those under their domination. Just as in the days of slavery, constant surveillance and observation are part of the prison experience, and if inmates develop meaningful and revolutionary friendships among themselves, these ties are broken by institutional transfers, just as the slavemaster broke up families.”

“Many white inmates are not outright racists when they get to prison, but the staff soon turns them in that direction. While the guards do not want racial hostility to erupt into violence between inmates, they do want hostility high enough to prevent any unity. This is something like the strategy used by southern politicians to pit poor whites against poor blacks.”

“The whites are not only duped and used by the prison staff, but come to love their oppressors. Their dehumanisation is so thorough that they admire and identify with those who deprive them of their humanity.”

“The spirit of revolution will continue to grow within the prisons. I look forward to the time when all inmates will offer greater resistance by refusing to work as I did. Such a simple move would bring the machinery of the penal system to a halt.”

“James Baldwin has pointed out that the United States does not know what to do with its Black population now that they ‘are no longer a source of wealth, are no longer to be bought and sold and bred, like cattle.’ This country especially does not know what to do with its young Black men. ‘It is not at all accidental,’ he says, ‘that the jails and the army and the needle claim so many.’”

“The great mass of arrested or accused black folk have no defence. There is desperate need of nationwide organisations to oppose this national racket of railroading to jails and chain gangs the poor, friendless and black.” (Quote from WEB DuBois)

“The masses must be taught to understand the true function of prisons. Why do they exist in such numbers? What is the real underlying economic motive of crime? The people must learn that when one ‘offends’ the totalitarian state, it is patently not an offence against the people of that state, but an assault upon the privilege of the few.” (George Jackson, ‘Blood in my Eye’)

“Giving a prisoner a number is another way of undermining his identity, one more step in the dehumanisation process. Of course, it has historical roots: the SS assigned numbers to prisoners in Nazi concentration camps during World War II”

On Malcolm X and black consciousness

“White America has seen to it that Black history has been suppressed in schools and in American history books. The bravery of hundreds of our ancestors who took part in slave rebellions has been lost in the mists of time, since plantation owners did their best to prevent any written accounts of uprisings.”

“Malcolm X’s life and accomplishments galvanised a generation of young Black people; he helped us take a great stride forward with a new sense of ourselves and our destiny. But meaningful as his life was, his death had great significance, too. A new militant spirit was born when Malcolm died. It was born of outrage and a unified Black consciousness, out of the sense of a task left undone.”

“IQ tests are routinely used as weapons against Black people in particular and minority groups and poor people generally. The tests are based on white middle-class standards, and when we score low on them, the results are used to justify the prejudice that we are inferior and unintelligent. Since we are taught to believe that the tests are infallible, they have become a self-fulfilling prophecy that cuts off our initiative and brainwashes us.”

“As far as I am concerned, the party is a living testament to Malcolm’s life work. I do not claim that the party has done what Malcolm would have done. Many others say that their programs are Malcolm’s program. We do not say this, but Malcolm’s spirit is in us

“Malcolm X impressed me with his logic and with his disciplined and dedicated mind. Here was a man who combined the world of the streets and the world of the scholar, a man so widely read he could give better lectures and cite more evidence than many college professors. He was also practical. Dressed in the loose-fitting style of a strong prison man, he knew what the street brothers were like, and he knew what had to be done to reach them.”

On black nationalism

“All these programs were aimed at one goal: complete control of the institutions in the community. Every ethnic group has particular needs that they know and understand better than anybody else; each group is the best judge of how its institutions ought to affect the lives of its members. Throughout American history ethnic groups like the Irish and Italians have established organisations and institutions within their own communities. When they achieved this political control, they had the power to deal with their problems.”

“The most important element in controlling our own institutions would be to organise them into cooperatives, which would end all forms of exploitation. Then the profits, or surplus, from the co-operates would be returned to the community, expanding opportunities on all levels, and enriching life. Beyond this, our ultimate aim is to have various ethnic communities cooperating in a spirit of mutual aid, rather than competing. In this way, all communities would be allied in a common purpose through the major social, economy and political institutions in the country.”

“Blacks are a colonised people used only for the benefit and profit of the power structure whenever it suits their purposes. After the Civil War, Blacks were kicked off plantations and had nowhere to go. For nearly one hundred years they were either unemployed or used for the most menial tasks, because industry preferred to use the labour of more acceptable immigrants – the Irish, the Italians and the Jews. However, when World War II started, Blacks were again employed – in factories and by industry – because, with the white male population off fighting, there was a labour shortage. But when that war ended, Blacks were once again kicked off ‘the plantation’ and left stranded with no place to go in an industrial society.”

On China

“What I experienced in China was the sensation of freedom – as if a great weight had been lifted from my soul and I was able to be myself, without defence or pretence or the need for explanation. I felt absolutely free for the first time in my life – completely free among my fellow men. This experience of freedom had a profound effect on me, because it confirmed my belief that an oppressed people can be liberated if their leaders persevere in raising their consciousness and in struggling relentlessly against the oppressor.”

“The behaviour of the police in China was a revelation to me. They are there to protect and help the people, not to oppress them. Their courtesy was genuine; no division or suspicion exists between them and the citizens.”

“The Chinese truly live by the slogan ‘political power grows out of the barrel of a gun,’ and their behaviour constantly reminds you of that. For the first time I did not feel threatened by a uniformed person with a weapon; the soldiers were there to protect the citizenry.”

On democracy

“Institutions work this way. A son is murdered by the police, and nothing is done. The institutions send the victim’s family on a merry-go-round, going from one agency to another, until they wear out and give up. this is a very effective way to beat down poor and oppressed people, who do not have the time to prosecute their cases. Time is money to poor people. To go to Sacramento means loss of a day’s pay – often a loss of job. If this is a democracy, obviously it is a bourgeois democracy limited to the middle and upper classes. Only they can afford to participate in it.”

Lumpen – Free Bobby Now – Seize The Time

Lumpen – Free Bobby Now – Seize The Time

Music from The Black Panther Movement about co-founder Bobby Seales. – from the riots in Chicago part of the Chicago Eight; Bobby Seale had a seperate trial making the infamous Chicago Seven