Tag Archives: racism

New Edition of Robert and Mabel Williams Resource Guide


Emacs!

The story of Robert Williams and Mabel Williams is an important
chapter in the history of African-American people. It is much more
than the history of a black man who fought against segregation
and apartheid in the South. It is the story of a man and a woman
united in struggle, it is the story of a family who fought together,
struggled together and stayed together, united and strong in the
face of racism and oppression. Their story traces their political
and ideological growth from being participants in the civil rights
struggle, and the human rights struggle inside the United States,
to being participants in the world struggle against imperialism
and exploitation. It is a story of human dignity, and courage in
the face of overwhelming odds. Their story is truly a story of
love and of commitment to the struggle of African Peoples and
oppressed peoples around the world.
—Assata Shakur, Black liberation fighter in exile

Robert F. Williams marches in the company of Malcolm X, Rosa Parks, Kwame
Ture, Martin Luther King, Jr., Ella Baker and other leading voices of Black
liberation. He was one of the most important and controversial leaders of the
freedom movement. Yet his work, words, and profound influence are absent in
most historical accounts. With this CD, the Freedom Archives contributes to a
growing body of recent scholarship, telling the story of Robert Williams through
an exclusive interview with Mabel Williams, his widow, who was with him every
step of the way. The program traces their journey from NAACP leadership and
armed self-defense against the Klan in Monroe, North Carolina through exile and
internationalist solidarity in Cuba, China, Africa, and back to the United States. It
features rare speeches, interviews, and radio broadcasts of Radio Free Dixie, the
short wave radio series Robert and Mabel broadcast from Cuba.

Now available along with the CD
[]  
http://www.freedomarchives.org/RFW.html

Why I, An Asian Man, Fight Anti-Black Racism

Written by: Scot Nakagawa

Scot Nakagawa

This article originally appeared at Racefiles.wordpress.com.

I’m often asked why I’ve focused so much more on anti-black racism than on Asians over the years. Some suggest I suffer from internalized racism.

That might well be true, since who doesn’t suffer from internalized racism?  I mean, even white people internalize racism. The difference is that white people’s internalized racism is against people of color, and it’s backed up by those who control societal institutions and capital.

But some folk have more on their minds.  They say that focusing on black and white reinforces a false racial binary that marginalizes the experiences of non-black people of color. No argument here. But I also think that trying to mix things up by putting non-black people of color in the middle is a problem because there’s no “middle.”

So there’s most of my answer. I’m sure I do suffer from internalized racism, but I don’t think that racism is defined only in terms of black and white. I also don’t think white supremacy is a simple vertical hierarchy with whites on top, black people on the bottom, and the rest of us in the middle.

So why do I expend so much effort on lifting up the oppression of black people? Because anti-black racism is the fulcrum of white supremacy.

A fulcrum is defined by Merriam-Webster as “the support about which a lever turns” or, alternatively, “one that supplies capability for action.” In other words, if you want to move something, you need a pry bar and some leverage, and what gives you leverage is the fulcrum – that thing you use so the pry bar works like a see-saw.

The racial arrangement in the U.S. is ever changing.  There is no “bottom.” Different groups have more ability to affect others at different times because our roles are not fixed.  But, while there’s no bottom, there is something like a binary in that white people exist on one side of these dynamics – the side with force and intention. The way they mostly assert that force and intention is through the fulcrum of anti-black racism.

Hang in there with me for a minute and consider this. Race slavery is the historical basis of our economy. Yes, there was/is a campaign of “Indian removal” in order to capture natural resources and that certainly is part of the story. But the structure of the economy is rooted in slavery.

Our Constitution was written by slave owners. They managed to muster some pretty nice language about equality, justice, and freedom for “men” because they considered Africans less than human. Our federal system is based on a compromise intended to accommodate slavery. Our concept of ownership rights, the structure of our federal elections system, the segregated state of our society,the glut of money in politics, our conservative political culture, our criminal codes and federal penitentiaries all evolved around or were/are facilitated by anti-black racism.

And this is not just about history.  Fear of black people drives our national politics, from the fight over Jim Crow in the 50s and 60s, to Willie Horton and the Chicago Welfare Queen in the 80s, and the War on Drugs, starting in 1982 right up to the present. Since 2001, the U.S. has spent about 1.3 trillion dollars on war. Since 1982 we’ve spent over 1 trillion dollars on the drug war.

About 82% of drug busts are for possession, while about 18% are for trafficking. Sound like an irrational way to wage a war on drugs? Not if it’s a war on black people.

According to Human Rights Watch, black males are incarcerated at a rate more than six times that of white males resulting in one in 10 black males aged 25-29 being held in prison or jail in 2009. The same report states:

Blacks constitute 33.6 percent of drug arrests, 44 percent of persons convicted of drug felonies in state court, and 37 percent of people sent to state prison on drug charges, even though they constitute only 13 percent of the US population and blacks and whites engage in drug offenses at equivalent rates.

And why a war on people?  The war on drugs is the cornerstone of the “tough on crime” messaging campaign that is key to the Republican Southern Strategy. It suggests that extending civil rights to African-Americans resulted in the crime wave of the 1970s, (and not the baby boom as is suggested by sociologists) in order to drive white Southerners into the Republican Party.

And that “tough on crime” thing, that’s not just against black people.  It’s a propaganda war that is weakening civil rights and civil liberties for all of us.

There’s no hierarchy of oppressions where race is concerned, but anti-black racism is the fulcrum of white supremacy.




About the Author

Scot Nakagawa
Scot Nakagawa

I am a lifelong political activist, community organizer, organization builder, and trouble-maker currently serving as a senior partner in the grassroots racial justice think tank ChangeLab.

“Let’s Organize the ‘Hood:” The Memphis Black Power Conference

grassroots Let’s Organize the ‘Hood: The Memphis Black Power Conference

Memphis, Tennessee is the poorest big city in the USA, and the 171st (of the top 200) poorest cities in the world. Like many Black population centers, it has many problems: high unemployment and massive poverty, political corruption, racist redlining by banks, huge infant mortality levels, homelessness and hunger, gangbanging and street violence, and many others. What it does not have is a Black radical protest movement against these conditions, and the system of white racism and privilege that produced it. We need to educate, organize, and mobilize the Black community to fight for our own freedom and independence, instead of depending on the white power structure. Our very lives and that of our children, born and unborn, depend on this!

So, we are having this Black Power conference, not to just re-live the 1960’s, but to call our people together in a time of deep crisis. We are suffering, and we need answers to get out of it, and dismantle the system that causes it. We are having this conference to build a Black Autonomy Network of Black Community Organizers here in Memphis, and hopefully inspire other activists to build them in other parts of the country. It does not matter where you live in the country, or other parts of North America, you are still part of the larger family.

This summer, come to Memphis, TN. for “Let’s Organize the ‘Hood:” The Memphis Black Power Conference

Saturday, June 9, 2012 at the Java Complex, 1423 Elvis Presley Blvd., Memphis, TN.

10:00 am to 6:00 pm. All day teach-in on Black community organizing.

Clearly, the civil rights movement has failed to understand that we need a protest movement at this time, rather than bending over for politicians, while we and our families starve from poverty and unemployment. The Wall Street bankers and other white businessmen have been bailed out with hundreds of billions of dollars, but what about our communities, who are suffering from more bank redlining, foreclosures, and structural poverty than anyone in this society? Who is looking out for our interest? We have to look out for ourselves!

Regardless of what conservative and liberal politicians alike say, it is not our fault for our oppression, it’s theirs and their rich friends who profit from our misery! So we need to organize a new mass Black people’s movement, consider our own problems, seriously evaluate our future and move forward. We hope that you can join us in Memphis, TN. on June 9th for this strategy meeting, and that together we can begin to rescue our people, and re-write our legacy.

What can you do to help us put on “Let’s Organize the Hood: The Memphis Black Power conference?

Buy a ticket online to the event for $15, a saving of $5 off the $20 walkup “door” price to enter the event. We will then have your package waiting at the front desk when you arrive. If you cannot attend the event, then why not buy a ticket and allow another person to attend?

Donate money to the cause. Your $5, $10, $20 [and more] donation will allow us to purchase items to make the conference more enjoyable experience for all. Send your donations to our PayPal payment gateway at: organize.the.hood@gmail.com, or if you prefer the safety of surface mail, please send it to Lorenzo Komboa Ervin, Memphis Black Power Conference 2012, P.O. Box 16382, Memphis, TN. 38186-0382

If you live in Memphis, you can donate food and paper products. Please call (901) 907-0290, or send an email to us at organize.the.hood@gmail.com, tell us where it is located, and we will gladly come and pick it up. Thank you for your generosity.

Please let others know about the conference by sending articles to your local newspaper, or social media networks, by calling radio/tv talk shows, to encourage Black people to attend the event.

Lorenzo and JoNina Ervin
Memphis Black Power Conference
organize.the.hood@gmail.com

Zoot Suit Riots

A little bit out of the norm from my usual posts but as a huge fan of *old* music, I was surprised how little I knew about the “Zoot Suit Riots” – funny how none of this was ever mentioned during any history classes.

The photo was taken by John Ferrell and first ...

The photo was taken by John Ferrell and first published in June, 1942. The original caption read: “Washington, D.C. Soldier inspecting a couple of “zoot suits” at the Uline Arena during Woody Herman’s Orchestra engagement there.” Credit: Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, FSA-OWI Collection, number, e.g., LC-USF35-1326 (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

 As I was watching this, it dawned on me that sometimes, the more we think things have changed, the more they really might be the same…

The Zoot Suit Riots were a series of riots in 1943 during World War II that exploded in Los Angeles, California between white sailors and Marines stationed throughout the city and Latino youths, who were recognizable by the zoot suits they favored. While Mexican Americans and military servicemen were the main parties in the riots, African American and Filipino/Filipino American youth were also involved…

…a series of violent incidents erupted between Mexicans wearing zoot suits and U.S. service personnel in San Jose, Oakland, San Diego, Delano, Los Angeles and other places. The most serious of these acts of violence broke out in Los Angeles.

Two conflicts between Mexicans and military personnel had a great effect on the start of the riots. The first occurred on May 30, 1943, four days before the start of the riots. The altercation involved a dozen sailors and soldiers including Seaman Second Class Joe Dacy Coleman. The group was walking down Main Street when they spotted a group of young Mexican women on the opposite side of the street. With the exception of Coleman and another soldier, the group crossed the street to approach and harass the women. Coleman continued on, walking past a small group of young men in zoot suits. As he walked by, Coleman saw one of the young men raise his arm in a so-called “threatening” manner, so he turned around and grabbed it. It was then that something or someone struck the sailor in the back of the head at which point he fell to the ground unconscious, allegedly breaking his jaw in two places. On the opposite side of the street, young men attacked the servicemen for harassing the women. In the midst of this battle, the service men managed to fight their way to Coleman and drag him to safety.

The second incident took place four days later on the night of June 3, 1943. About eleven sailors got off a bus and started walking along Main Street in Downtown Los Angeles. At some point they ran into a group of young Mexicans dressed in zoot suits and got in a verbal argument. It was then that the sailors stated that they were jumped and beaten by this gang of zoot suiters. When the LAPD responded to the incident, many of them off duty officers, they called themselves the Vengeance Squad and went to the scene “seeking to clean up Main Street from what they viewed as the loathsome influence of pachuco gangs.” The next day, 200 members of the U.S. Navy got a convoy of about 20 taxi cabs and headed for East Los Angeles. When the sailors spotted their first victims, most of them 12-13 year old boys, they clubbed the boys and adults that were trying to stop them. They also stripped the boys of their zoot suits and burned the tattered clothes in a pile. They were determined to attack and strip all minorities that they came across who were wearing zoot suits. It was with this attack that the Zoot Suit Riots started…

Read more on Wiki

Podcast: Political Prisoner Radio – Free Mumia Abu-Jamal & Occupy the Justice Dept

Podcast: Political Prisoner Radio – Free Mumia Abu-Jamal & Occupy the Justice Dept

Prof. Johanna Fernandez and Sis. Jamila Wilson will give info on the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal and discuss the worldwide Occupy the Justice Dept. mass mobilization to free political prisoners and end mass incarceration. Prof. Fernandez is a member of Educators for Mumia and Prof. at Baruch College Department of Black and Hispanic Studies, producer of the film “Justice on Trial,” and author of the upcoming book “Young Lords.”

Sis. Jamila Wilson is a prison abolitionist and hard-working organizer for the Occupy the Justice Dept. event in Washington, DC on April 24, Mumia Abu-Jamal’s 58th birthday, and who’s demands are:

Release Mumia Abu-Jamal, End mass incarceration,
Jobs, Education, & Health Care. NOT JAILS! End solitary confinement & stop torture End the racist death penalty
Hands off immigrants, Free all political prisoners!

More info at http://occupythejusticedepartment.com/

HATE CRIME ALERT AT THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY

Dear Friends,

Please take note of a developing situation on the campus of Ohio State University in Columbus, OH. We request your support and solidarity and ask that you sign the petition in the link below. We also ask that you circulate this email to others in your circles.

In struggle,
Curtis Austin
 

In the early hours of Thursday, April 5, the Black Cultural Center at
The Ohio State University was vandalized with the spray painted
words, “Long Live Zimmerman”– a clear reference to George Zimmerman
who shot and killed Trayvon Martin on February 26. Zimmerman has yet
to be charged. Florida has a “Stand Your Ground” law that allows the
use of deadly force in self-defense. Martin was unarmed, and it is
clear that Zimmerman was pursuing Martin and not defending himself.

The vandalism at the OSU Black Cultural Center occurred after a
peaceful vigil held on the 44th anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther
King’s death. Students and concerned individuals from the wider
community gathered to reflect on the recent racialized hatred and
terror, which include anti-black and anti-Muslim violence.

There have been several collective efforts to process and respond to
what occurred at OSU. Students, faculty, staff and community activists
gathered at the Frank W. Hale Black Cultural Center last night and
held a rally in solidarity with the Center. They also marched to a
Board of Trustees meeting to express their outrage, and are currently
staging a sit-in in the Student Union. They have been reclaiming the
phrase “Stand Your Ground” to posit the need to stand our ground
against hate and intimidation, and ask that you express your
solidarity with their efforts as well.

Please sign the following petition and consider sending your own
statements of solidarity:

http://www.thepetitionsite.com/948/827/720/response-to-frank-hale-black-cultural-center-vandalism-at-the-ohio-state-university/

THIS LETTER WENT OUT ON APRIL 5, 2012:

Student and Faculty Response to Hale Center Vandalism
 
On last night, April 4, 2012, the 44th Anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King’s death, students and concerned individuals from the wider community gathered peacefully for a vigil to reflect on the recent racialized hatred and terror that has captivated our nation’s attention. In particular, people assembled to remember Trayvon Martin and Shaima Alawadi, who both lost their lives due to senseless violence that should not be tolerated in an enlightened society (Martin was shot to death by George Zimmerman while visiting his father; Alawadi was killed inside her own home by an unidentified group that left a message promoting racial prejudice against Muslim Americans). Thus, the goal of the event was not only to pray for our nation at this critical time, in consideration of these incidents, but also to examine how we all could promote better understanding between diverse communities.
 
Yet, as these groups convened on campus to ponder these issues that have animated the national spotlight, various HATE advocates were ostensibly organizing to make these contemporary racialized improprieties more palpable for our local community here at The Ohio State University. Some of these individuals came to the vigil with the sole intent to terrify those persons who had congregated to calmly respond to racial injustice. If this intimidation was not sufficient, other persons came and left a permanent marker signifying their racial intolerance. The Frank W. Hale Center, long a safe space for students of color to come together, was defaced with the words, “LONG LIVE ZIMMERMAN!”
 
These words are troubling. The vandalism is unsettling. The racism behind these words, however, is even more disturbing. These egregious episodes should not be accepted at an institution of higher learning such as The Ohio State University, and represent a type of thinking that permits racism to persist in our communities.
 
We, the faculty and students of The Ohio State University, vigorously denounce this racist act and want to make clear that HATRED WILL NOT BE TOLERATED. The members of this campus, and people throughout the city of Columbus, will neither be intimidated by this incident nor pressured to abandon our support of those causes aimed at promoting racial equality, justice, peace, and understanding. We shall remain vigilant in the pursuit of impartiality and call on the ENTIRE Buckeye community—administration, faculty and staff, students, and the school’s broader group of supporters—to join with us.
 
We appreciate President Gordon Gee’s response to the vandalism that took place and his willingness to utilize institutional resources for the purposes of investigating this incident. But we see this incident in a larger context of hatred, and feel that this racial prejudice must be vehemently condemned and that every effort must be made to extinguish these deplorable acts from taking place on our campus. In the coming days, we will be meeting to discuss how we as a community can address these issues and move forward.
 
On behalf of concerned faculty and students at The Ohio State University,
 
Thomas Albright, M.A. Student
Leslie M. Alexander, Ph.D.
Curtis Austin, Ph.D.
Tamara Butler, Ph.D. Candidate
Camille Dantzler, M.A. Student
Rashida Davison, Undergraduate
Lilia Fernandez, Ph.D.
Liseli Fitzpatrick, M.A. Student
T. Anthony Gass, Ph.D. Candidate
Gisell Jeter, Ph.D. Candidate
Thomas Lee
Michael Marsh, Undergraduate
Dawn Miles, Ph.D. Candidate
Tyran Steward, Ph.D. Candidate
Judy Tzu-Chun Wu, Ph.D.
 
 
Please go this site and sign in solidarity

THESE DEMANDS WERE MADE ON APRIL 6, 2012:

 
            First and foremost, good morning. We stand here today in response to the hate crime that happened at the Frank W. Hale Jr. Black Cultural Center in the early hours of April 5th. We emphasize the term hate crime, because it was not mere vandalism, it was an act of hatred!
            In the wake of this hate crime, the Black community and their allies have been engaged in conversation about how to improve the climate at OSU and ensure the safety of all students at the university. In the coming days, this will be an ongoing conversation and we imagine that we will bring additional issues to your attention. But for now, we have three minimum requirements as our first steps towards protecting our community, enhancing our well being, and promoting a culture of inclusion at OSU:
 
1)    Hate crime alerts
We demand the university establish and implement institutionalized hate crime alerts to raise awareness and discourage future bigoted incidents. In its efforts to protect the student body at OSU, the administration should be as concerned about racially motivated hate crimes as they are about all forms of crime.
 
2)    Increased diversity, both at the student and faculty level
a.     The university claims that diversity is among its core values. We agree. Everyone in the university community benefits when we exist in a diverse learning environment. Currently, Black faculty comprise less than 3% of the overall faculty at OSU, and the numbers of Black undergraduates at OSU’s main campus have been steadily declining over the last several years.
b.     If it is true that the university values diversity, then it should demonstrate its commitment by actively recruiting students, faculty, and staff that represent the face of America. Therefore, we demand that the university administration commit itself to the goal of having OSU become proportionally representative of the racial and ethnic national composition.
 
3)    Inclusion, not just tolerance
a.     We demand dignity, respect, and recognition for all people: for the students, the faculty, and the staff.
b.     We are engaging in ongoing dialogue about ways in which the university can create a more inclusive community. This is obviously a complex issue, and it will take time for us to reach definitive solutions to this challenging problem. However, we hope that the university administration will keep its doors open to us and actively participate in these conversations with us as we move forward together to create, in the words of our illustrious president, ONE UNIVERSITY
 
The students, faculty, staff and concerned citizens in our community are in a state of unrest. We will not bow to this intimidation and we will not be silenced until our requirements are met.

Revolution and Race in Ada Ferrer’s Insurgent Cuba

Reblog www.voxunion.com/revolution-and-race-in-ada-ferrers-insurgent-cuba/

In Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898, Ada Ferrer describes a nationalist revolutionary process in late Nineteenth Century Cuba that created new subject positions for African descended Cubans, enslaved and free, which in turn threatened the symbolic order such that social relations formed under a slave-society regime exercised a counter pressure that frustrated the most liberatory practices of the independence struggle. The threat to the social order in Cuba following the 1868 declaration of the independence struggle resulted in a propaganda offensive from the Spanish colonial government that initially succeeded by invoking the modern colonial symbolic order through the accusation of “race war”. The partnering of independence and emancipation first articulated by Carlos Manuel De Cespedes in 1868 produced a tension between what a Cuban nationality could mean in the face of a freed and armed Black population and a Hispano-Catholic cultural hegemony. The power of the symbolic order emerges always and already asserting itself under any historical condition. Defined as language, the attempt to describe and assign meaning to the experience of “the real,” and enacted through the formal and informal uses of language by institutions and individuals, people perform the symbolic order through custom and habit. We reproduce the symbolic order through law, education, commerce, customary behaviors, and the myriad conscious and unconscious retellings of the “…legends, stories, history, and above all historicity” (Fanon 112) that inhabit our understanding of how the world does and “should” work. The symbolic exerts a policing action on worldview, placing boundaries on what should be imagined. In other words, the symbolic order is the ideological ground upon which the subject figure acts.

The symbolic order under the regime of modern colonialism and slavery has posited the ontological difficulty of “blackness.” Blackness, as a human condition, has been constructed as a sign of both the absence and the negation of civilization. Indeed, the possibility of human blackness has even been brought into question as Western intellectuals have for centuries now seriously debated whether black peoples are members of the human species, or to what degree black people may be humans. Whereas the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century bourgeois revolutions of the Americas and Europe reformed the Western symbolic relationship among social classes, raising the citizen-subject to ontological equality with the traditional nobility, introducing new behaviors and new explanations for those behaviors, black revolutionary struggle, as in Haiti, threatens to overturn the symbolic order more fundamentally, that is, from its foundation. For example, in response to the colonial state invoking “race war” as the proper representation of the independence struggle, Cuban nationalists of the 1880s and 1890s invoked a policy of “racelessness.” The nationalists invented racelessness specifically to erase the blackness of the independence struggle while avoiding an open appeal to whiteness. But racelessness, as Ada Ferrer shows, means different things from different subject positions. An attempt to shift the terrain of the symbolic, “racelessness” remains trapped in the language of race and the practice of white privilege, thus reproducing the ruling ideology.

Another aspect of the symbolic order, gender, also complicates the meaning of independence and national character. In their own representation of the emerging Cuban nation, the Cuban nationalists of the late Nineteenth Century constructed an emphatically masculine image of the nation. Governance remained the domain of men, black and/or white, those who through their struggle and sacrifice made independence possible. The nationalist writers erase the contributions of women, without whom the war for independence could not succeed. They erase the women from their representations of the struggle, thus excluding women from the public sphere of an independent Cuba. On the gender question, the rebel army and nationalist intellectuals reproduced the symbolic order apparently without question, and this was despite the very active cadres of women forming revolutionary clubs, support committees and raising funds for the fight as Nancy Mirabal describes in “No Country but the One We Must Fight For” (62). These tensions produced by challenges to the symbolic order and recourses to the symbolic order coalesce in the court martial of Quintin Bandera, a successful Black general of the rebel army, discussed below.

Struggle transforms. When Carlos Manuel De Cespedes freed his slaves, declared them co-citizens and exhorted them to join him and other Cuban patriots in an armed struggle against the Spanish colonizer, he invited those African men into new subject positions, namely into a new claim to a Black subjectivity in the public sphere. The call to independence and emancipation, the two being constructed as necessary for the realization of each other, and the call for African men to participate in the practice of independence and emancipation, created a sanctioned public space for Black subjectivity within a symbolic order that denies or at best doubts the possibility of a public Black subjectivity. The Black body is already marked as an object, the body par excellence, if not exclusively, that can be enslaved. The constructed pre-condition of the enslaved/enslaveable Black body made the certificate of freedom necessary for free Africans in slave societies, the authority of the master represented through the law embodied in the text of the certificate, here invoked to supersede the symbolic order of custom. Unlike the unsanctioned public subjectivity of the maroon communities, the palenques, De Cespedes’ call to revolution and emancipation constructed Black armed resistance as a creative force in the forging of the nation, rather than the destructive element preventing the emergence of the nation. It was after all, Ferrer reports, the prominent African descent population that allowed Spain to represent Cuba as incapable of nationhood because the nation would be a Black nation, another Haiti, in a sense an anti-nation. I will return to this subject below.

African men expressed their new subject positions through new and open challenges to traditional social relations during the independence war. Ferrer offers the example of Emeterio Palacios, a free black tobacco worker from Santiago who was detained by the Spanish authorities for suspicion of supporting the rebel cause. What is of significant interest in his case has less to do with his actual or perceived support of the rebels, but rather with the manner in which he (allegedly) greeted a white man familiarly in a café. Ferrer reports Palacios as having withheld the honorific title Don from the white man, D. Jose Gilli, and instead calling Gilli ciudadanito [little citizen]: “Palacios thus not only denied him the don to address him as “citizen” and therefore as an equal, but he also opted for the diminutive form of the word, much in the same manner that non-blacks often addressed blacks as negrito” (41). Palacios’s familiarity was taken as a threat to public order of the same high order as any possible rebel activity. Indeed, they are of a piece, the leveling of social relations both through race, class, and the claim to citizenship.

Again, Ferrer offers Antonio Maceo as an illuminating example of the challenge to the symbolic order expressed through traditional social relations. When the Spanish commander Martinez Campos approached Maceo to bring him into the Pact of Zanjon, which inscribed the negotiated surrender of the Cuban rebels after ten years of war, Maceo, having already assumed a position in the symbolic order denied to him on at least two counts as colonial subject and a mulato, that of an honorable man, he also challenged Spain’s claim to being a civilized nation, equating civilization and progress with full emancipation and social equality. As long as Spain was a slave owning empire, which is to say an empire at all, colonialism being a species of slavery, the colonial state could not be characterized as civilized. Maceo turns the colonial symbolic order on its head (66).

Nonetheless, the symbolic order is resilient and adaptable. It frames the ideology of a culture and gives shape to the content of that ideology, reproducing the ideology through the embodied actions of people, including those cultural acts like speech acts or the exercise of politeness or courtesy. Even in the execution of the war, the tension created by the challenge to the symbolic order reveals the difficulty with which those invested in the maintenance of the order attempt to reproduce traditional social relations. Insurgent white officer Ignacio Mora’s specific criticisms about the transfer of power from the white Cuban Ignacio Agramonte to the black Dominican Maximo Gomez betray a cultural-racial-national anxiety. Ferrer reproduces this passage from his war diary:

“If [Gomez] has not destroyed the Camaguey division and converted it into bands, it is because its officer corps, formed by Agramonte, still remember the maxims and rules of their old leader. How jarring it is to see today’s camps! The noise, the gambling [el juego], the shooting of cattle, the tango of the blacks, the wild parties, and the filth of these camps warn us that their leader completed his apprenticeship in Santo Domingo. Everything reveals his poor upbringing and the society from which he comes.” (52)

Mora clearly experienced anxiety over the shifting cultural forms of recreation in the camps. War had been conducted as a “gentlemen’s” endeavor for centuries, reproducing the class structure of civilian society. His comments replicate the myths, stories and legends that cast African cultural forms as inherently immoral and antithetical to “the love of discipline, order, or morality” (52). Even his reference to “bands” may allude to unease with a shift to guerrilla tactics by Gomez. The culture of war came into tension with the shifting subjectivities that the rupture of the independence war allowed to emerge.

Under the modern colonial condition of white supremacy, the black body represents a troubling presence. The symbolic order under white supremacist colonialism demands that blackness, however widely or narrowly represented, to be defined as a problem. Thus, the pressure exerted by the hegemonic symbolic order rendered the notion of an African Cuba, another Haiti, unthinkable except as a nightmare by slave societies and their neo-slavery arrangements following emancipation throughout the Americas in the Nineteenth Century. Colonial Spain could therefore easily employ a propaganda war to exploit the fear of race war and the anxiety produced in the rebel camps by the darkening of the ranks and the officer corps. Mora, cited above, was not among those rebels who surrendered to Spain in 1871, but he agreed with those who surrendered that the “problem” with the rebel army, the reason for its de-moralization, could be found in its increasingly African descended character. Elite men asserted the old class hierarchies and racial hierarchies within the rebel army, and these assertions crashed against the new public faces of African men, Cuban citizens and patriots making claims to equality through shared armed struggle and the embrace of the values of the French Revolution: Liberte’, Egalite’, Fraternite’.

The representation of the independence struggle as a race war effectively demoralized white Cuban support for the war both within the rebel army and among the civilian population. To combat claims of race war by Blacks against whites during the period between La Guerra Chiquita and the final war for independence, 1880 to 1895, the Cuban nationalists on the island and in exile reconstructed the war under the rubric of racelessness. But racelessness is a tricky proposition. It remains within the semantic field of race language. The appeal to racelessness in the hands and from the pens of the most sympathetic of white Cubans could not transcend the “problem” of blackness. Racelessness as a position was necessary because the racist anxieties of the white population needed to be assuaged. In this way, racelessness reinforced a Eurocentric premise: the opinions and attitudes that mattered most were the opinions, fears and attitudes of whites, not blacks. Ferrer explains that the whitening of Cuba through increased Spanish immigration in the period helped the nationalists in this reconstruction of the discourse of the Ten Years’ War. Indeed, throughout Latin America, ruling elites encouraged and facilitated European immigration in order to whiten the overwhelmingly Mestizo/Mulato populations.

Even as the final war in the 1890s drew to a close, and before the United States’ intervention, another sort of whitening occurred with the moving of white Cubans, many late comers to the struggle, into the military administrative positions that would eventually become the local governance, and thus limited or eliminated the possibility of black leadership in the future civilian administration of the nation. Suitability for leadership became associated with “refinement” and “civility” and education, traits preconceived as nearly impossible in the black individual and monopolized by elite families. Consistent with early Spanish colonial policy regarding gentes de razon or “persons of reason,” namely those conversant in the Spanish language, the sign of a rational mind, the turn to refinement as the mark of suitability for leadership again reproduced the lie that on the one hand equates progress, modernity and civilization with European history and culture, and on the other alienates Spain’s (and other European and settler colonialists’) colonial subjects from their own histories and cultures in antagonistic relation to Europe and whiteness. Black majority threatens white existence and thus must remain controlled.

In contrast, in the hands and from the pens of black Cuban nationalists, the appeal to racelessness was an appeal to the democratic and egalitarian principles of the independence struggle. It should have meant the removal of traditional barriers to advancement or access to power. When it did not mean that, but instead denied access to African descended persons or facilitated the advancement of white individuals in order to remove the suggestion of favoritism toward blacks and mulattos, and thus remove charges of race war like those routinely aimed at Maceo, black Cuban intellectuals decried the practice as fundamentally treasonous, betraying the very ideals upon which the struggle was launched by Manuel de Cespedes in 1868, indeed antithetical to slogan of the French Revolution used freely by the Cubans: liberty, equality, fraternity. Ferrer effectively demonstrates this in her comparative analysis of the writings of Juan Gualberto Gomez, a mulatto journalist, and Cuban patriot Jose Marti. Once again betraying the anxiety producing presence of the black body, the black insurgent was a prominent figure for reconstruction. Whereas the white reading audience needed to be reassured of the fidelity and even passivity of the black insurgent, grateful and deferential under arms, black and mulatto writers writing for a black press championed the black insurgents’ dedication to Cuban nationality, gratitude for the independence struggle that led to the end of slavery, but also the reminder of the nation’s debt of gratitude to the black insurgents. Black and white Cuban nationalists both represented race war waged by blacks against whites as unthinkable and the accusation as slanderous.

Finally, Ferrer effectively raises the problematic of gender in the representations of the independence struggle. The Cuban independence writers constructed a singularly masculine image of the nation. The descriptions of men, black and white, struggling as brothers in arms, suffering the hardships of camp life and war, dying in each other’s arms and carrying each other’s wounded bodies placed a claim on the public sphere of the emerging nation. These writers constructed the nation as the creation of modern Cuban men inventing a new kind of brotherhood in the world. This representation is, of course, a fiction. Ferrer mentions the participation of mambisas, Cuban women who fought in battle with the men (174). Susan D. Greenbaum discusses Paulina Pedroso, a black Cuban woman living in Tampa, Florida, during the independence struggle who among other activities organized locally in support of independence (53). Mirabal reports on organizations founded by Cuban and Puerto Rican women in support of the independence struggle when they were barred from joining the male revolutionary clubs formed by the exile communities in North America, organizations like La Hijas de Cuba that challenged the hegemony of all-male groups like Junta Revolucionaria de Cuba y Puerto Rico (62). Nonetheless, the masculinist language of the independence movements constrained access to power for women engaged in the struggle: “They remained, despite their efforts and relative power, outside of the decision-making body of what was quickly becoming the main exile nationalist organization, the PRC [Partido Revolucionario Cubano] (64). This masculinist discourse of nation doubly erased the contributions of African descended Cuban women.

Like the black presence, and with its own body of myths, stories, legends, histories and historicities, the female presence is also troubling in the masculinist symbolic order of patriarchal culture. To return to a point introduced above, Ferrer’s discussion of the court martial of Quintin Bandera focuses on the cultural differences that emerged in the accusations against him, namely his openness about his fraternization with women in the camp, even though what he was accused of was a widespread practice throughout the rebel army, if done under cover of dark, as it were. Among other things, the morality of his camp was impugned because of the presence of his female partner and those of his men in the camp, rather than at a remove as was the custom. A “rustic” man, Bandera’s manner clashed with the expectations of the more “refined” Cuban leadership. Bandera broke with the expectations and the representation of the rebel camp as an exclusively masculine space. The broader, more inclusive and accurate model for the nation could have been taken from Bandera’s example, except that it too deeply upset the symbolic order that had been inscribed regarding the makers of the nation. I even wonder to what degree Bandera and the men and women in his army may have been conducting the practice of war in a maroon manner. That is mere speculation. But I am fascinated by the suggestion.

Ferrer’s use of the war diaries and memoirs of the rebels provide an illuminating view into the ways in which political and social struggle transforms social relations and public subjectivities. The African descended men (and women) who participated in this struggle in the thousands on the one hand seized upon this opportunity to abolish the slave society that held many of them and/or their family members as chattel, and on the other hand to participate in the forging of a new, independent modern nation, one that would owe them loyalty and gratitude for their service. Ferrer’s examination of the independence writers also offers another example the role of a discourse of nationalism and the press in inventing the nation. Nonetheless, the racialized symbolic order of modernity (re)imposed itself upon the Cuban struggle for independence, highlighting the difficulty involved in dismantling systems of hierarchy and oppression, however necessary the work, something to which contemporary Revolutionary Cuba attended early in its process when Fidel claimed African blood flowing freely through Cuban veins as constitutive of Cuban identity (qtd. in Cole 77). Revolutionary Cuba acted upon this heritage through internationalist solidarity with liberation and revolutionary movements and nations in Africa and the Africa Diaspora. Whereas Revolutionary Cuba has also inherited and promoted its own version of racelessness, and despite lingering racists attitudes and assumptions in Cuba, the revolution has at least seriously attempted to reconcile the African character of Cuban history, culture and genealogy with a contemporary Cuban national identity, another form of challenge to the modern symbolic order. Read Ada Ferrer’s Insurgent Cuba. She provides valuable lessons for us as some of us continue to work for a free world, for genuine African liberation.

W. Yusef Doucet is a faculty member of the Santa Monica College English Department.  He co-founded and facilitated the Dyamsay Writers’ Workshop in Santa Monica, CA, the Third Root Writers’ Workshop in Pomona, CA, and a poetry reading series at the Velocity Café in Santa Monica, CA.  Yusef is currently working on a Ph.D. in Cultural Studies at Claremont Graduate University. His research interests include Fanonian analysis, the policing effect of integrationist/post-racialist ideology and anti-blackness in the modern symbolic order.  Yusef keeps a blog at freeignace.wordpress.com

Works Cited
Castro, Fidel. “We Stand with the People of Africa.” Venceremos Brigade Pamphlet. 1976. Quoted in “Afro-American Solidarity with Cuba. Johnetta B. Cole. The Black Scholar: Report from Cuba. Summer 1977.
Greenbaum, Susan D. “Afro-Cubans in Tampa.” The Afro-Latin@ Reader: History and Culture in the United States. Eds. Miriam Jimenez Roman and Juan Flores. Duke University Press: Durham, 2010. Pp. 51-61.
Fanon, Frantz. “The Fact of Blackness.” Black Skin, White Masks. Trans. Charles Lam Markmann. Grove Press: New York, 1967. Pp. 109-140.
Ferrer, Ada. Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868-1898. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1999.
Mirabal, Nancy, Raquel. “No Country but the One We Fight For: The Emergence of an Antillean Nation and Community in New York City, 1860-1901.” Mambo Montage. Eds. Agustin Lao-Montes and Arlene Davila. Columbia University Press: New York, 2001. Pp. 57-72.

Parole: Life on the Outside

Parole: Life on the Outside

Piri Thomas in 1957

Piri Thomas was arrested for armed robbery and spent seven years in the 1950s locked up at Bellevue, Sing Sing, and finally Great Meadows (Comstock). He wrote 7 Long Times as a sequel to his very famous autobiography Down these Mean Streets. Thomas just passed away last October at the age of 83. After his release from prison, Piri Thomas dedicated his life with supporting young people and to writing.

In his book, 7 Long Times, Thomas writes movingly and searingly about his incarceration. In particular, I found his description of parole to be insightful and to be worth sharing on this blog. This excerpt comes from the Appendix of the book (pages 180-181).

Before I was released from prison, the authorities filled my head with all kinds of threats and warnings of what would happen to me if I stepped out of line on the outside and how in the twinkling of an eye I could be back in the slams. I was to be an ex-con on parole with few or no civil rights. If I had been a second-class citizen before I went to prison, and a third-class citizen in prison, I was a fourth-class citizen upon my release.

In 1955, when I was released, there were no organizations working with parolees, with the exception of the Police Department, the Department of Corrections, and some religious groups. Parolees come out of prison badly shook-up, scared on the inside even if they didn’t show it. Very few can re-enter society with no sweat at all. It is a process that takes determination, time, and mucho patience. There is a high rate of recidivism because it is hard to make it on the outside. Face it, when jobs are hard to get on free side for non-offenders, being non-white and an ex-con makes it near impossible. Don’t care who you are. You’ve got to eat, dress, and have a place to sleep, and if you have a family, the burden is even greater. Many former inmates fight to go straight, but slowly find their way back to whatever got them in prison in the first place.

For me, parole was like a short rubber band that could snap me back into prison a million times faster than I had gotten out. My meager sense of being free on the outside vanished when my parole officer and probation officer, seeing me on Tuesdays and Thursdays, pounded into me that I was only out on parole, not free. Like if I fart in the wrong part of town, sir, I’ll find myself back in prison so fast it’ll make my head spin.

My parole officer would usually notify me when he was coming for a visit, but sometimes he would come around without notice. I wasn’t breaking any laws, unless making love is a crime, but according to the rules and regulations of parole, I wasn’t supposed to make love with anyone other than my legally wedded spouse. They got to be kidding!

One day I got real shook-up when my parole officer came to visit and I was standing on the stoop talking to Bayamon, who had just gotten out of prison. I froze and whispered to Bayamon, “Diggit, here comes my parole officer,” and Bayamon disappeared so smoothly and gracefully it was like he had vanished in a puff of smoke. If my parole officer recognized Bayamon as a parolee, he didn’t let on. I figured he probably knew that most of the parolees came from neighborhoods like mine.

Yet try as hard as I could to cool my role, I couldn’t help being nervous every time I reported and got visited. A parolee has no rights, and any bullshit complaint by a citizen can start him on his way back to prison. A parolee has got to walk on water because if he’s picked up on his way home while something is happening on the street — a fight, somebody else pulling a job, or whatever — he is in for sweat’s sake unless there is proof of innocence beyond a shadow of a doubt.

It was hard to deal with people who had never done time, especially when they knew I had. They would either clam up and look curiously at me or put on a big act of friendliness while also looking curiously at me. When I ran into an ex-con, it was like meeting a fraternity brother, even if I had hated his guts in prison.

It took me a long time before I was able to get the prison cockroaches out of my head. I’d wake up at home from nightmares that I was back in prison hearing the horrors, the curses and screams, reliving the tensions, anger, and pain, my body drenched in cold sweat. It would take minutes for me to realize I was at home.

When I first came home, I couldn’t break the habit of waking up in the morning half-asleep, getting into my clothes and stumbling around my bedroom looking for the toilet bowl and wash bowl, then standing like a damn fool in front of my bedroom door waiting for the guard to spring the lock. While in prison, I had always fought against being institutionalized, but some of its habits had rubbed off on me a little too damn deep. Even now, twenty-four years later, I still have an occasional nightmare that I’m back in prison.

Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Sambo: One African’s Thoughts on the Subject of Black Self-Colonialism

‘My father was a mulatto, my grandfather was a Negro, and my great-grandfather a monkey. You see, Sir, my family starts where yours ends’.

Alexandre Dumas (pere)  –

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[Available as a Free eBook: PDF format:]

I find it tiresome and perhaps an obvious point to make in 2012 but it still remains to be said — and as often as it is deemed necessary to do so by its victims — that the United States of America and Canada, as national entities, are by royal fiat, racist nation-states no less xenophobic and no less vicious than any other country that has ever used ‘race’ as a social barometer. This is an incontestable fact and it endures as a matter of the established international public record. Neither North American country can truthfully claim to ever being race-neutral or culturally deferent to Africans, (or Indigenous American Nations for that matter) without being historically revisionist about how Europeans came to gain control over the Americas in the first place.

The practise of Europocentric settler racism, as it has developed in the Americas, is a direct result of White colonialist ideas about White Exceptionalism, not the cause. It must be clearly understood, if we are at all serious about dealing with the subject, that Europeans did not decide to wipe out First Nations Peoples in order to occupy the Americas simply because they hated ‘Injuns’, or that they to imported African slave labour simply because they did not like ‘Niggers’. The reason the European powers invaded Africa and the Americas was to steal the land and to profit from its natural resources. The fact that there were people living in these regions in relative peace was simply a colonial challenge to be overcome with racist ingenuity and if necessary, the blunt-end of a rifle across the temple. The end of one story, and the beginning of another. The question then becomes which version of the true account will be added to the establishment record.

Let’s be objective here if we can for a moment. A difficult, but possible process. The slavery and genocide of Native and imported Indigenous peoples, for the colonialist, was a progressive use of all known available materials. Not simply racial malice. They did not know enough about Indigenous Peoples in North America or Indigenous Africans to have a rational dislike for them. For capitalism, the humanity of the victims be damned when balanced against the rising cost of colonial or imperial business. Material profit, and material profit only, was the sole driving force behind European expansionism. And when it became necessary to enslave Indigenous Peoples for the sake of free labour or to wipe out entire populations to ensure effective Euro-settler Lebenstraumpolitik, racism then became a indispensable methodology. Not before.

If this is the case, and it very well is in a world totally dominated by free-market capitalism, we should not act surprised that exploitation in any form exists today. Capitalism itself is exploitation via economics, no? And it is often racist because the very concept of race itself is a form of human exploitation that has been very useful to the European-based free-market system.1 This is precisely why people who contend that racism is over do so at the serious risk of exposing themselves as either hapless political nebbishes, or mute and yielding White supremacist enablers meekly succumbing to Europocentric tribalism out of group solidarity. This is if one were to really get to the heart of the matter. As the saying goes, ‘White makes Right’. And any way you look at it, people who wish to vociferously deny that the European settler societies constructed in the Americas have not actively and belligerently struggled to remain ‘White’ in form, function and substance do so without an ounce of personal integrity, historical accuracy or moral regard for the victims, past or present.

The grandly erroneous accusation, that non-Whites are ultimately responsible for their own disenfranchisement and sociopolitical poverty in White societies, is simply not true. And this is fundamentally why events like ‘Black History Month’ cannot, in any logical sense, be regarded as anything other than grand acts of willful self-deception. The essential deceit being the claim that the African, or any other non-Western European group for that matter, has ever really enjoyed a dignified place within the Euro-settler American collective consciousness without first having to fight for it. And almost no one who believes that they have a stake in the extant status quo will discuss this in honest terms. Chiefly because the White mainstream is resistant to our inclusion and is still not prepared to admit this. Even then, after generations of working for and with Whites, after fighting for them and dying side-by-side with them in every war they have ever undertaken, rightly or wrongly, White people still cannot explain in clear terms why Africans and other minorities are still not fully accepted. Not without resorting to the Aryan fantasy narrative of the European ‘Master Race’.

‘The first man who, having fenced in a piece of land, said “This is mine,” and found people naïve enough to believe him, that man was the true founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody’.

  —  Jean-Jacques Rousseau  –

For those of us who are concerned with universal human and civil rights, the exaggerated claims of superior European morality is without question the last vestige of the latent tribalisms of the last century. And now that the much lauded, albeit fairly parochial, colonialist observance of African history in White North America is officially over, let us finally turn towards the necessary dialogue that should have taken place this past February in North America but as usual, did not.

What should be a period of respectful reflection of African survival under immensely extraordinary circumstances has in practise been used as a tool by the White establishment to ideologically reinforce the misleading perception that Euro-settler racial domination over Africans in the Americas is justified, divinely moralistic and historically inevitable. And what is perhaps far worse, is the ugly reality that mainstream African communities in the US and Canada continue to willfully participate in this blatant act of ethnic subjugation.

The artificial societal importance given towards the historical role of the African in the Americas for just one month, the shortest in fact out of each year, is at its root a backhanded insult that has successfully managed to masquerade itself as a profound, if tardy, compliment to its former slave population. When stripped of its fancy verbiage and celebrity showboating, events like ‘Black History Month’ are nothing more than crude, ahistorical exercises in White supremacist revisionism and internalised Euro-settler racist paranoia. To be blunt, they are romantic, anachronistic flashbacks to the past, when White men ruled without the need to explain themselves and Negroes, ‘Indians’, Asians and women instinctively ‘knew’ their respective places in the social pecking order.

According to the accepted rhetorical paradigm of the observance, the central theme behind ‘Black History Month’ is supposed to be a national, race-neutral acknowledgement of the African in the Americas and his significant achievements as a congregate within the American-settler Europocentric social fabric. While this civilized objective is indeed fundamentally important in order for modern society to move forward, it is equally important, and entirely fair, that we also include the appropriate critical questions that will soberly address what actually happened to African Peoples after First Contact with Europeans. And then, how this lead to the creation of an Afro-Diaspora in the ‘New World’.

Sure, it is explained in very objective terms that the Transatlantic Slave Trade brought millions of Indigenous Africans to the Americas, but the question as to why Africans were enslaved in the first place is never really investigated. Neither is the part European religious beliefs still play in rationalising the ongoing genocide of Africans in the Diaspora and other Indigenous Peoples. Nor is the continuing marginalisation and exploitation of the survivors who still, arguably, struggle against their own best interests by fighting tooth and nail to ‘belong’ to a society that has made it clear that it does not really want them included.

These matters are of some importance if we are at all serious about truly respecting both African Peoples and the genuine history of all the people who make up the human complexity of the modern Americas. But within the rapidly intensifying Orwellian culture that is 21st century Pax Americana, the usage of blatant lies about its origins are accorded with rapt appreciation and its darker truths are derided with significant emotive scorn. And despite the enormous catalog of documented, verifiable evidence of the corporeal damage incurred by Africans and other non-European Peoples in the Americas due to White European exploitation, abuse and marginalisation, there is very little critical, mainstream dissent from the standard legend that attempts to explain the settling of the Americas as an innocuous and progressive event in human history. What happened to the victims is not an issue anyone wants to discuss at length.

This is especially true when the issue of racism is raised in regards to the sociopolitical development of the forcibly Europeanised Americas. When popular rationalisations are raised to proclaim racism a ‘thing of the past’, we must ask ourselves as a society, what and who’s ‘past’ are they actually referring to? And how credible is it to state, even in this age, that racial prejudice is no longer a factor in modern life? And even more to the point, what is their evidence, if there is any, to support such an argument? And if racism is really a matter of past ignorances, why are modern neo-conservative politicians and activist lobbies fighting to legally remove Euro-settler abuses from the established historical record? And, if they as concerned about African people as they claim to be, why are they using underhanded methods, populist bullying and flat-out distortions to achieve their goals?2

In brutally frank terms, because the peaceful, race-neutral, culturally-inclusive, entrepreneurial Christian, Euro-settler tale at the centre of the White American genesis story is an exalted fib. It isn’t serious. In more concrete terms, it is a crude, bully-boy American version of the Nazi government’s conscious usage of the propagandistic gimmick Adolf Hitler termed as the ‘Big Lie’, and it is no less poisonous than anything continental European fascism ever dared attempt during the last century.

The ability to control what is accepted by the people as authentic history is a powerful dynamic in human communication. What is not documented is generally not remembered or valued. And if the African man and woman had ever really meant anything at all to the European, there would be no need for such an observation in order to ‘correct’ centuries of conscious dismissal of his reality. The observance proves that the African in the western mind exists as a cipher. His humanity and his heroic and lonely struggle to survive and adapt to his horrific treatment by the ‘better’ nations of the world is the lost story of a forever marginalised people. Hated, even by themselves. There is, of course, an elementary reason for this conundrum if one is inclined to look at the world soberly in order to try and understand it as it is. And it only takes some minimal mental effort to determine why these issues remain touchy in this contemporary period of post-World War Two, multicultural ‘enlightenment’.

From here we can move beyond the semantic discord of 1930’s and 40’s Germany and fast forward to the Cold War ‘action intellectuals’ of the United States to help us determine if a scientific pattern of pro-White propaganda could indeed exist. There are numerous examples we can itemize but for brevity’s sake, let’s examine one particular American Exceptionalist theorist who openly suggested that the US needed to employ a grand fraud to buttress its contemptible, colonialist history and international aims.

American academic Leo Strauss was a German-born intellectual who openly advocated for the application of what he termed the ‘Noble Lie’, an official US narrative that would provide the preferable view of government and society the elite classes wished for the public to believe. Mr. Strauss, a quintessential corporatist ‘American’ thinker, went much farther than the Nazis in that his version of state propaganda was intended for both domestic and foreign distribution. The Nazis, at the time, were much more concerned with the sentiments of the rank-and-file German public, not world opinion. They knew by 1932 that most of the US and British economic elite were silently sympathetic to their movement, (Hitler was Time Magazine’s ‘Man of the Year’ in 19333 and Fortune’s in 1934 ) so they needed only to concentrate their efforts on shaping minds at home.

Strauss however went much further. He taught the Americans , after having witnessed the successes of Goebbels’ misinformation service, to make use of conscious pro-Europocentric propaganda on all fronts4. Thereby, solidifying the myths they wished to be absorbed, like the racist lunacy of Manifest Destiny, across a broad canvas. In doing this, the state’s deceptions could be reverberated across the world, giving domestic dissenters the added pressure of having to refute foreign sources of information that supported the intentional falsehoods of the national position. Thus, the official lies of the establishment become verifiable ‘facts’ supported by numbers, not reality. And the general public is falsely lead to ‘believe’ that they have earned a solid understanding of the ways of the world.

We all must we willing to accept that our personal perceptions and attitudes are largely shaped by intellectual limitations. Meaning, that we know what we know because of either direct personal experience, or because we have been taught a particular perspective by an authoritative body that we assume to be honest with us. This is why arguments about race-neutrality in the Americas are so disturbing. It isn’t true. But such ideas do however represent a necessary emotional pillow for the subjugated African population and a ‘rational’ ideological structure to justify the inequitable realities of pro-White sociopolitical biases and controls over American civil society.

This is why observances such as ‘Black history Month’ are not, in truth, about ‘Black People’ at all, but about White-on-Black genocide and the revolting European practise of institutionalised African material, personal and cultural exploitation. It is a holiday that praises the enforced ethnic subjugation of African Peoples to a European cultural model that by default places Africans at the very bottom of the social pecking order. Having said that, it is also practical to state here that when the US and Canadian governments finally did decide to officially recognise assimilated African, or ‘Black’ history, they only did so strictly within terms that suited their particular needs and goals, not the legitimate historical demands that are at the very heart of the African struggle in the Americas. A struggle that this purported ‘observance’ is supposed to respectfully represent.

Events such as BHM, when examined with an investigative and dispassionate eye, are revealed to have very little to do with African people at all and more to do with what European exploitation has done to the African in the Diaspora. It is in truth, a celebration of the ‘breaking’ of the African mind, body and spirit under the hateful yoke of xenophobic, pro-European cultural chauvinism. It is a revolting, unambiguously racist affront that smugly commemorates the authoritarian Europeanisation of the Indigenous African, not the promise of an equitable historical awareness of the Black man who has been forced by colonial and imperial circumstances to exist gracefully, if not happily, under paternalistic White domination.

If you are shocked, don’t be. You’ve heard this all before and you know that the analysis presented here is not an isolated one. A substantial number of American Africans of various political persuasions have repeatedly protested the imposed banality of the observance and its arguably ineffectual and misleading Europeanised perception of what the African experience in the Americas is all about. While it is true that the mainstream Civil Rights Movement does receive its share of fair mention in February, as does anti-African lynching and Jim Crow segregation, the ideological, religious, economic and historical reasons behind why all of this occurred receives no serious attention at all.

This is not a matter of ignorance as much as it is a matter of authoritarian, race-partial propaganda by design. And while it is thoroughly correct to mention that both conservative supporters of popular racism and the liberal naysayers who claim to stand against them do entertain separate political agendas, it is equally true that both factions unequivocally view European Peoples and pan-European cultural mores as the absolute zenith in terms of human beauty and constructive measure. Where these two schools of thought customarily diverge is at the point where each perspective believes that Africans and other non-Europeans can most favourably be assimilated into what is assumed to be a already ‘perfect’ sociopolitical framework.

Both factions, by default, flippantly generalise all non-European peoples as inherently ‘backward populations’ in desperate need of a mature and paternalistic chalky-white hand to gently guide them into the ‘modern world’. So in substance, both factions are equally racist in conviction and just as equally biased for the exact same illogical, xenophobic reasons. In other words, the intellectual sophistry which goes into explaining the phenomena of institutional racial marginalisation is logically jaundiced from the very beginning. Precisely because the fundamental Europocentric orthodoxy associated with the question is, by way of direct and indirect White political, cultural and economic power, the only critical standard allowed to define and articulate the dialogue. Racism is not rocket science. So how could any educated person cast doubt upon an analysis that suggests the ethical obfuscation concerning the more naziesque characteristics of North American social philosophy would be a issue most aware White people would wish to ignore?

This is an incontrovertible fact. But this does not however give a much needed intellectual pause to the more reactionary elements of North American society who will endeavor to semantically wrangle against such an analysis via populist ballyhoo and intentional anti-historical misinformation. Such persons will accuse these objective observations of being grossly unfair toward White people as individuals, totally ignoring the fact that racism, in its most classic sense, is not at all concerned with personal ideas of ethnic partiality. They vociferously argue, incorrectly, that racism is principally concerned with personal prejudices and not the systemic practise of state-sponsored social inequalities and its peculiar forms of class-based exploitation economics.

As a general rule, this controlled thesis consciously ignores the question of unequal power distribution in Europocentric societies by empirically denying that such divisions actually exist. Individual ethnic and religious prejudices are readily admitted to, but the fundamental structure behind it all is flatly denied. In doing this, the public mind is purposefully diverted from the visible and clearly unethical reality that only a very small cluster of European interests, worldwide, actually benefit from such a disgraceful scheme. And it is precisely from this factually lopsided yet popularly accepted philosophical space that many other anti-egalitarian, anti-people functions have come to be endorsed as appropriate behaviour in a sustainable, pro-Europocentric civilization.

And because of their totalising domination over the rules of political and cultural discourse, Europeans have used this power to forcibly narrow the discussions surrounding ethnic intolerance into a dwarfish, specific set of intolerant provincialisms rather than direct questions about the premeditated political role of ‘race’ in Euro-colonial social engineering. If, in fact, the White man had ever truly respected the basic humanity of both Africans and American Indigenous Peoples at all, the entire world as we have come to understand it, not just North America, would be radically different. And it would also be decidedly much ‘Browner’ in terms of power distribution than it is right now. Western European societies and their Euro-settler colonial offspring know this. And the pragmatic truth of it all frightens them to the point of violent, segregationist insanity.

Why is this? And why has this dreadfully pessimistic, thoroughly machiavellian philosophy been allowed to persist as a politically reasonable opinion? Considering the nauseated state of the world’s poverty-stricken, westernised masses, (a condition that has existed for quite some time) it is perfectly sensible, and responsible, for intelligent people to ask how European societies could possibly make claim to a high moral-ground after reviewing the considerable damages done by western encroachment. It is also reasonable to ask why the non-European remainder of the planet is always being forced, against its will, to live, think and act as White people do? Is it really simplistic, idiosyncratic partisan bigotry on the part of White people? Or is there something much deeper going on, psychologically, that perhaps we, as a society, are too fearful of probing because we are afraid of what we know we will see?

Africans, First Nations Peoples, Arabs, Asians, the Ulster-Scots, Italians, Poles and many Eastern European nationalities have all, to one degree or another, at one time or another, faced significant ethnic stratification and social discrimination from the anglicised provincialism brought along with the first English settlers. But saying this means little if discrimination, which is duly recognised to be a bad thing, still exists at all. And it is a waste of time to pretend that the feigned ignorance we all resort to when challenged about racism in the west is authentic. It is a ruse of our own making. If the reader can find it within him or herself to reasonably comprehend the irrational denialism of numerous Germans following the mass ethnic cleansing purges of the 1940’s, why is it so difficult to understand that White Americans today also suffer from a similarly acute and equally irrational form of ethnically biased nationalistic selective memory?

If there is a distinction to be made between racism today as opposed to the varieties of racism practised in later historical periods it is that in the not so distant past, the word racism was used and understood in its correct linguistic and sociopolitical context. Before White society was placed into the position of having to explain itself, racism was understood as is just what it sounds like, an ‘ism’, not an attitude. It is a term that defines an institutional practise, not an arbitrary set of prejudices. The term racism in and of itself implies the systemic practise of social hierarchies, power distribution and acceptable discrimination, official and unofficial, based solely upon the established ethnic divisions found within a given society. Not just an emotional issue of fear and uncertainty concerning relations between differing human groups. Race itself is merely a social concept, as it has no basis in objective scientific study outside of certain genetic particulars common to distinctive human groupings. Outside of that medical distinction, race, as an ideological construct is an entirely segregationist idea.

While we can correctly point to the pseudo-scientific European schlock of Eugenics, (Remember the ‘The Bell Curve’ by Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray?)5 it is entirely fair and accurate to suggest at this juncture that the entire hypothesis behind negative European racial attitudes resides squarely upon two specific factors: the erroneous and predatory inclination to associate ‘might with right’ and, the esoteric, quasi-mystical ideologies of the ‘pure’ European myth, the ‘Black Sun’ racialist theory that alleges White northern Europeans, ‘The Aryan Peoples’, are the only authentic human beings on Earth. Thus, providing a theoretical rationale for anti-Aryan xenophobia, economic exploitation and political racism.

Inspired by pro-Teutonic racialist mystic intellectuals such as Guido Von List, and liberal misreadings of arcane masters such Mme. Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, Judeophobic devotees of the metaphysical, bastards such as Rudolf Hess, Heinrich Himmler and Adolf Hitler used these ideas to ‘cleanse’ Europe, they said they did it for the benefit of the European Superman. They also intentionally twisted Friedrich Nietzsche’s race-neutral Übermensch hypothesis into a philosophical justification for their particular form of racism. Even Richard Wagner was abused with careless abandon and transformed into something purely evil. The respectable cultural aspects of his musical legacy, like that of the noble and entirely peaceful origins of the ancient (and Indigenous) svastika (from the Sanskrit) or Sun Wheel symbol, was mangled into something completely abhorrent and entirely removed from its original meaning.6

‘…And one day we must ask the question, “Why are there forty million poor people in America?” And when you begin to ask that question, you are raising questions about the economic system, about a broader distribution of wealth. When you ask that question, you begin to question the capitalistic economy. And I’m simply saying that more and more, we’ve got to begin to ask questions about the whole society…’

–  Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.  –

Such ideas have existed in Europe alongside the ascension of the Catholic Church since the classical Roman empirical era. They too placed more value upon their power over weaker peoples than they did their own sense of self-worth as ‘White’ cultures. This was because the European at this period did not view himself as ‘White’. Such distinctions did not exist at that time. Ethnicity was defined by one’s birth, but nationality was determined by bone’s loyalty to a particular nation or cultural standard. Race, as we understand it today, is a fairly recent invention. It is just like the concept of ‘Orientalism’ or ‘East’ versus ‘West’, a cognitive compartmentalisation of where the White world begins and the non-White world ends. In essence the European, as as a social construct, has come to believe that he has an inherent right to rule based solely upon a knavish belief of the ‘Right of [White] Conquest’ and little else. In this light, Manifest Destiny is merely a form of ideological calisthenics for what in more honest terms should be defined as classical ‘Euro-American supremacist apologia’.

‘The White Man’s Burden’ then is more than just a poem, it is an active metaphor for justified White European power through the force of arms, theological guile and the persistent threat of indiscriminate xenophobic violence. While there may be occasional disagreement over tactics, acceptable methods and the intended victims of ‘corrective pressure’, the self-defined White society has always agreed, by a broad consensus among itself, that Europocentric priorities, life-ways and appetites are the only acceptable and intelligible norms worth considering. As currently understood, non-Europeans have only marginally ‘contributed’ to world civilisation, not constructed it.

By the right of conquest the European lays claim to an automatic right, to not only define the discussion of world history, but the prerogative to define what and who’s history will be included within the established record. There is, of course, an elementary reason for this conundrum if one is inclined to look at the world soberly in order to try and understand it as it is. And it only takes some minimal mental effort to determine why these issues remain touchy in this contemporary period of post-World War Two, multicultural ‘enlightenment’.

For clarity’s sake, let us take another brief look at one particular historical example and its political value as a moral metaphor. One that is impossible to impugn. When German Nazi propagandists Julius Streicher and Josef Goebbels began cultivating their brand of Judeophobic, (and often anti-African) propaganda they never, at any time, ever denied that they were intentionally promoting a false perception of non-German peoples and cultures specifically for political purposes. Through the use of contemporary popular media they purposefully instigated a culture of xenophobic animosity as a means of boosting German nationalistic enthusiasm through the invention of a false, defenceless and readily visible public enemy.

In fabricating an easily accessible ‘Other’ that could be blamed for all that was wrong with the world, the fascists knowingly opened the door to widespread inhumanity. Merely using ‘racial morale’ to gain political and economic power. This is what happened. And the undeniable by-product of this agenda was the second major outbreak of widespread ethnic violence and political chaos in a single century on the subcontinent. But it was not an isolated incident in the annals of European history. Before that happened, the ethnic cleansing of World War One quietly reduced Europe’s Roma, Armenian, Serb, Arab and Jewish populations without the ‘civilised’ political world saying very much about it. Nor was there much in the way of an effort by the Catholic or Orthodox Churches to condemn it or to stop it. This is true. And the ethical dilemmas surrounding the subject are still an issue of deep contention within the international political discourse.

And let us not be choosy here and leave out the supposedly impossible and vicious breakup of multiethnic, multicultural socialist Yugoslavia. We can pretend that the Cold War propaganda we were fed like mother’s milk about the evils of communism was all true, but the foreign-sponsored civil war that ripped the Balkans apart was racially-divisive by capitalist prearrangement. A functioning, economically stable, independent (in Stalinist terms) and fairly liberal socialist ‘buffer-state’ smack dab in the centre of Europe was not necessary after the fall of the Soviet system. And old ethnic rivalries were intentionally stirred-up to internally disrupt and dissolve the ethnically-inclusive socialist state. ‘Master Race’ superstitions that should have been left to the ignorant past were revived in order to achieve a political endgame that resulted in a death count that has yet to be adequately accounted for or politically explained in full.7

This is an important point if one is to agree with the unique special status attributed to ‘The Holocaust’ as a singular horrific event. If we see it that way now, it is only because we recognise it as a bench-mark of major historical and moral importance. And this is principally because the crisis happened to people who are, in today’s view at least, socially and politically accepted as ‘Whites’. This is entirely fair to say. Primarily because that statement is entirely true. The Herero and Namaqua Genocides undertaken by the German government in South-West Africa (1904-1907 ) were the first recorded genocides of the 20th century. Who remembers it? Who talks about it? And let’s be frank, who really cares? As Hitler brazenly remarked to his adjutants during the initial planning stages of the ‘Final Solution’, ‘No one remembers the Armenian Genocide and no one will remember or care about what we are about to do either’.8

It is a humiliating thing for westerners to have to admit this, but the detestable tin-god, on this particular topic, was indubitably correct. Absolutely no one in a position of political or moral power in Europe at the time did anything palpable to stop the anti-Armenian slaughter. And almost no one it seems is willing to support the Armenian survivors today by saying anything about it now. And truth be told, were it not for the efforts of the international military tribunal and their emphasis upon a moral justification for the prosecutions of German government and military officials, no one would be talking about what happened to European Jewry during that period either.

And this too must be noted if we are to be truly honest with ourselves about the world that we have made. Homosexuals, German-Sudanese and other religious, ethnic and political minorities also suffered fascist victimisation. But for the most part these victims are not, in the public mind, empirically connected with the Holocaust at all. Their stories of fear, hope and survival still go unsaid, mostly because they were regarded and still are regarded as ‘worthy victims’. In fact, gay males sent to the concentration camps for violation of Germany’s anti-homosexual law Paragraph 175 (§175 StGB)9 were, after being liberated from Nazi detainment, sent to European civilian prisons to serve out the remainder of their terms. The US military occupation forces, in full agreement with their Nazi Party counterparts, apathetically judged homosexuals to be moral criminals that were deserving of further punishment. Even after the degradation of being targeted by the Nazis.

This was in essence the convoluted morality of the Second World War. And one could say, with ample justification, that the Allied military command in practise treated homosexuals and other social undesirables just as harshly as they did any Nazi the Allies tried at Nuremberg. The human factor of the victimised outsider was never considered. No one spoke for them. The surviving victims have suffered much. And they continue to suffer from the silence of formally disregarded social discrimination. No one cares about their story. No one is willing to argue their story. And no one cares about asking just how hypocritical we all are for allowing these people to be ignored for so long as we continue to condescendingly use the Nazi war against Europe’s Jews as the litmus test for judging human-on-human depravity .

The fact is that ownership of the argument determines the direction of the debate. And had not the post-war Zionist movement not made a point of reminding the Christian world that they stood idle while Catholic Europe burned its undesirables at the stake, no one would care about the subject at all. It would be forgotten. And it is also a lie to pretend that the Jewish Holocaust was always respected as it is today. It wasn’t. The slogan, ‘Never Again’ came about to challenge those who told Jews to forget about what happened to them and to ‘move on’. Anglophone Christians simply did not want to hear about it. They offered Jews the very same advice that had always been given to Africans and American Indians when they attempted to discuss their historical disenfranchisement, ‘Just forget about it.’

Many Jews, rightfully, said no to this and pushed back. It is a simple truism that if ‘Never Again’ rings true in the ears of the followers of the risen Christ today it is only because conscious Jews have simply refused to ever allow the world to forget what was done to them. And this is entirely fair. But what is not fair is how the right-wing, politicised Jewish community has misused this issue to whitewash the ways in which they are recreating for Indigenous Palestinians today, the very same social conditions that their own people endured in Christian and fascist Europe. This is a fact. And is a grand mistake to assume that conservative Zionist adherents, such as the late Rabbi Meir Kahane, are not beyond favouring a pro-White social agenda. Ethnic relations in the State of Israel have always been shaped by a severe psychological bent towards its Ashkenazi population inspiring perhaps the first non-African chapter of the US Black Panther Party for Self Defence, the ‘HaPanterim HaShhorim’ or, the ‘Israeli Black Panthers’.10

Like any other Euro-settler state, Israel has merely imported old European racial prejudices into their contemporary national system. But Israel is somewhat different in that the various forms of social separations observed are codified in black-letter law, not just mandated by social tradition. As quiet as it is kept, religious, gender and ethnic divisions are a legal fact of life in Israel. And this institutional bias is not just levied against Arabs and Africans but also against the Sephardim and the Mizrahiyim communities, people many hard-line Ashkenazim believe are too ‘ethnically Semitic’ to be fully accepted, or trusted, as ‘authentic’ Israelis.

This is a very useful comparison that challenges the observer to consider several important factors. Primarily the question that asks what are the substantiative moral and legal differences between the Nazi’s programmes of racial hygiene and Lebenstraumpolitik and what many right-wing Zionists support and all American taxpayers are funding in Occupied Palestine right now. Fascism, one would think, is fascism. Even if it is Israeli and even if the perpetrators happen to be Jewish. Why is this not a question?

When Africans in Apartheid-era South Africa vindictively oppressed their indigenous brethren on behalf of the White settler minority, they were still Black people. That never changed. What did change however were the terms of personal self-image and self-acceptance many indigenous Africans would experience after overt White domination on the continent ended. As we have seen, the skin-colour of the ‘new exploiters’ in government and business management may have visibly diversified somewhat, but the actual ownership-class is still European, still in control of the levers of power and still committed to oppressing the poor to maintain control over the country’s vast resources.

Under these terms even many Europeans also fall far short of the established standard for acceptable Whiteness. This can be seen in the negative ‘White Trash’ belittlement used against some Caucasians who are deemed too unsophisticated to represent positive White ethnicity. The modern social realities of post-Apartheid South Africa serves to present us with an noteworthy illustration of this. Most African Boere-Afrikaners for example, who were used as a proletarian buffer-class between people-of-colour and the chiefly British ruling elite, have not fared very well after the collapse of the old system. No longer useful as a middle-class, many now live in the same squalid conditions most Blacks were forced to endure under Apartheid. Including being forced to migrate from the larger cities, often to the surviving Black shantytowns situated far outside of the grid, living side-by-side with Blacks who have been left behind by the African National Congress (ANC) and the new Black South African middle-classes.

There is a lesson here for all of us if we are willing to look close enough. Working-class Afrikaners, (and the Boervolk minority within that group) believed they had the upper-hand in the past system. They racially measured their own self-worth against their personal ability control and exploit the indigenous and imported non-European population. However, once that arrangement was forced to adapt to changing circumstances, their status as superior Whites was quickly politically cut down to size. Whiteness is now measured against both ‘English-ness’ and access to capital investment opportunities. Those Whites who had nothing more other than being White to fall on immediately fell to the wayside.

Add to this change the fact that only a handful of connected Indigenous African insiders actually rose through the post-Apartheid system leaving many people, regardless of race, in the dust. One must ask, how is being White an advantage if one is economically or politically poor? Aside from White racial dominance in law, most Black and Coloured South Africans have very little to celebrate about. The legal ethnic division may be over, but poverty, disease and violent crime still rule in Nelson Mandela’s South Africa just as it did in the past. And Black people in that country, still, are far behind the rest of the world in regards to civil development, political maturity and social serenity.

South Africa is just one example of how race matters but in the end, does not matter when it comes down to situations of class-based exploitation. Race then, is merely a tool for the plutocrat, nothing more. It is a merely rationalisation for justifying social inequality. The Chinese are an Asian people. They are not any less Asian because they are practising colonialist oppression against the Indigenous Peoples of Tibet. Pol Pot was still Cambodian despite the number of his fellow countrymen he had brutally eliminated. Arabised Africans routinely conduct operations to ‘cleanse’ areas of Indigenous Tribal Peoples although to the outside observer, everybody involved the crisis appears to be ‘Black’. Go back and look at the Crisis in Rwanda in 1994. And Josef Stalin, who was an ethnic Georgian, was emotionally Russian in his heart when he purged the communist party of dissidents and oversaw the clearly anti-Ukrainian Holodomor Famine. An event that classifies under the guidelines set by Raphael Lemkin as an example of intentional genocide.11

Closer to home we can look at the assimilationist Lakota politician Dicky Wilson who was born and raised in Indian Country and has never, ever, had his Indian ethnicity questioned by anybody. However, Mr. Wilson was known during his lifetime for making it perfectly clear that his loyalties lay with the White-controlled, mixed-blood reservation tribal power structure he belonged to, not with the traditionalist, full-blooded Indians he derided as a ‘sorry’ people stuck in a dead past. He openly chided Natives who were struggling to survive intact culturally and psychologically as self-conscious Indian People. And he is remembered today for his covert operation of a domestic death squad responsible for terrorising and killing hundreds of Native Americans during the ‘Indian Country Civil War’ of the 1970’s. In short, Dick Wilson oversaw a Native-on-Native genocide programme in pursuit of a Europocentric paradigm of social conservatism and economic bureaucracy. And he was still an Indian. That, never changed.

‘Come, then, comrades; it would be as well to decide at once to change our ways. We must shake off the heavy darkness in which we were plunged, and leave it behind. The new day which is already at hand must find us firm, prudent and resolute…We must leave our dreams and abandon our old beliefs and friendships of the time before life began. Let us waste no time in sterile litanies and nauseating mimicry. Leave this Europe where they are never done talking of Man, yet murder men everywhere they find them, at the corner of every one of their own streets, in all the corners of the globe. For centuries they have stifled almost the whole of humanity in the name of a so-called spiritual experience. Look at them today swaying between atomic and spiritual disintegration…And yet it may be said that Europe has been successful in as much as everything that she has attempted has succeeded’.

–  Frantz Fanon  –

This is all very bad business and we should investigate these unfortunate cases deeply. But it important that we consider some root points to understand the operative framework. In the case of Dicky Wilson, it is his self-identity that we should be looking at here — his personal identification with White power and privilege — not just his own personal and arbitrary racial classification as a ‘mixed-race’ Indian. Again, we are not discussing sets of unfavorable attitudes, we are identifying a form of systemic oppression based upon the inconsistent concept of race and the debasing cultural norms frequently associated with such a device. Particularly the erroneous but widely believed connections assumed between concepts of ‘Whiteness’ and ‘law and order’.

The real question is not the ethnicity of people, but instead what is our collective understanding of basic humanity as it relates to our willingness to cope with first the unknown and second, the realities of selfish, materialistic accumulation by the more powerful elements of any given society. This is precisely the point behind ‘war psychology’. By defining their victims as ‘different’ because of racial and cultural dissimilarities, predatory interests hope to soften the psychological blow to the masses, who if they actually had a choice, might just decide not to use brigandage as a national policy. Normal, rational people do not like conflict. In fact, most people do their very best to avoid it at any cost. Therefore, the ‘enemy’ must be demonised to the point of hysteria if the public is to support such methods. And race-hate is often used because it is the one gimmick that almost always works when nothing else will. Not because it is justified, but because it is easy. Reducing life’s complexities to common, lowbrow chauvinisms does not require deep intellectual thought. Just a passive willingness to accept the unacceptable in favour of an illusion of racial purity and civil management.

Further, the victims of White racism are central to such a system. And it is important to understand why that is. It is a vicious cycle of antagonisms that have at their centre the European concepts of race and the racial superiority of lighter skin. A notion that has been spread around the world through European imperio-colonial expansionism and the theological subterfuge of the Mother Church. And this also explains why there is so much popular confusion around the world concerning the apathy shown by the Barack Obama administration towards Black and Indian Americans, the poor, Spanish-speaking immigrants and the hapless Arab and African civilians added daily to the expendable cannon fodder lists as acceptable statistics in the ‘War on Terror’.

It was assumed, wrongly, that because he is Black, that he would be more open to addressing the pressing social and political imbalances most White US politicians have traditionally ignored. Barack Obama has proved that no matter what the ethnicity of the individual, once one is willing, or trained, to accept the concept of White privilege, culture and power as a paradigm of perfection, anyone determined to be less than human in considered ‘fair game’ for abuse and ‘corrective action’. Simply look at his political record since he has been in office. Mr. Obama has without question fought hard, not to spread justice and democracy, but to sustain the undue privileges of the rich, the corporations, the military-industrial complex and the Zionist lobby at the expense of the already traditionally marginalised. This includes the poor people of his own country who he will continue to extract as much as possible from in order to ensure the continuation of White Christian cultural domination across the globe. The republican and libertarian cliques have nothing factually negative to say about the Obama administration because it has done exactly what it was supposed to do, to ensure the positive continuation of American capitalist power. Period. A situation that leaves his political opposition very little to work with unless they are willing to resort to using the issue of race against him as a planned strategy of derision.

Which in fact is what the US conservative party is currently doing. In sum, conservatives simply do not have an argument against Mr. Obama other than he is a Black man. And this is why the US presidential race this season has been focused more on the supposed demise of White, Christian culture in the United States than actual politics. Only no one is yet ready to openly admit that the noted hatred towards this president and his family is motivated by hateful, and traditional, White racism. Not even the mainstream US African population who is still banking on a last-minute act of justice, if not principled moral retribution, that will never come from this particular Black president.

American Africans are sadly reluctant to admit that they have been suckered, yet again, by another beautiful, Black, ‘Great White Hope’. This is appalling on a variety of levels, but it is sufficient to say here that Mr. Obama’s actions as an individual and as president cannot by any stretch of the imagination be consider antagonistic towards White people or advantageous to Black advancement. Only the plutocrats have received any love and affection from this White House. And those who perpetuate hateful, White supremacist ideas have indeed been granted a pass. They have stopped at nothing to belittle this president and conservatives have made use of every racist political trick they can think of. Including putting the reality of White racialism in the United States completely on its head.12

Mr. Obama’s visible passivity in the face of blatant racism makes the conservative knuckle-draggers who wail and bitch about him look like complete idiots. But that has never stopped White racists before. Idiocy still rules the US airwaves and conservative as well as religious talk-radio in the United States have made unseating the Obama administration priority number one. No matter how much they have to lie to do it.

They argue that Barack Hussein Obama is a ‘secret Muslim’ who hates White people and ‘White’ culture. But the truth of the matter is that Barack Obama is the best friend racist, Christian White folks have ever had in the history of confused Africans in America. Particularly because he is a non-European who truly believes in the ‘rightness’ of the White world more than many Whites do. And for this, his place in the history of the White man is assured. So as far as he and others like him are concerned, the ‘glass ceiling’ of White racism is now over. Now that non-Europeans can theoretically enter the White world, there exists, they argue, no more barriers. Exactly the same sort of situation that occurred in supposedly post-colonial Africa. The White men have for the most part visibly left the scene, but they still control the purse-strings and the ‘new’ anti-colonial power structure has actively maintained the old European infrastructure. In effect, nothing has changed.

Barack Obama in regards to American history fulfills a similar function. He will be remembered fondly as the great ‘Negro example’ who oversaw a taxing period of transition between ethnic Whiteness and ‘conceptional Whiteness’. This in essence is the real ‘New Negro’ movement, the supposedly progressive improvement over the older model that would have totally rejected a non-European person strictly on the basis of his or her skin-colour. In the 21st century, being White means more about adhering to the Europocentric model as closely as one can than it will be about ‘colour’. Which really is not a new perspective, (the artificial hair-straightening of African women is one good example) but it does say something queer about the state of the African mind. One must wonder why after everything that has happened, (slavery, lynching and legal discrimination) and considering what still continues to occur, (such as the police killings of Oscar Grant and Sean Bell) why so many non-Europeans would want have anything to do with White people at all. Additionally, in light of all of this considerable negativity, why are so many Africans and other non-Europeans struggling so hard to be ‘qualified Whites’?

I mention this only because in the west, the conventional wisdom specifies that Europeans have ‘earned’ the right to rule the ‘lesser peoples’ of the world simply because they have to power to do so. The racial aspects of the scheme however are actually secondary to the base authority claimed through the threat of violence. This is important. The indignation expressed in reducing social relations to simplistic ideas of White and non-White is quite real, but is not the entire picture. We must understand this and accept the fact that race is just a convenient, although not always visible barometer used to separate people into identifiable predators, managers, enablers or prey. Race is an issue of separation. Generally for political purposes. Attitudes are important, but they merely support the established sociopolitical paradigm.

White racism, the notion that lighter-skinned people are superior in any respective culture, nation or group, is a grandiose, melodramatic farce based upon a pure fiction. An old wives’ tale erected upon an absurd medley of supposed superior western culture, the privilege of alabaster skin and the divine grace of the co-opted Semitic sky-god Europeans believe bestowed them with ultimate mastery over the physical world. Add to this malarkey the spurious ‘Privilege of Intervention’ claimed by the White west when it comes to exercising ‘extreme prejudice’ and other forms of unasked for destructiveness against weaker peoples and you have all of the makings of a bona fide system of global, institutionalised human-on-human exploitation. A condition that supposedly does not exist any longer, we are told, due to the twin ‘liberating’ forces of western Christianity and European-led free-market capitalism.

This is the psychological shillelagh that is wielded to shame the Native into believing that he is at best, a subhuman non-entity, a superficial being not deserving of his own right to exist. We hear much of the immense ‘progress’ that has been made, but we hear of no serious discourse on why we still seem to think that White racism is a normality that one must either adapt to or somehow learn to overcome. This element is rarely discussed from the viewpoint of the victim. Not without first qualifying it through the wavering filters of faux ‘White liberalism’. Another social requirement which in and of itself is a thoroughly demeaning prerequisite in order to be heard, much less be seen by the psychic White power structure. This is the reality of the situation. Nor is it asked why Africans and First Nations Peoples should, or would, want to struggle for inclusion into societies that have proven themselves to be remarkably dedicated to the incessant exploitation and occasional genocide of their respective peoples for profit.

Conscious, fair and intelligent people, regardless of background, want more than just symbolic holidays of false inclusion. African people as a social group are still treated as a detestable class of non-human cretins by the White power structure simply because we are born ‘Black’. And those of us who insist on being seen as something more than a pacified, nappy-headed jigging collection of caricatures found within the back pages of White American popular culture know that nonsense such as ‘Black History Month’ in truth, amounts to little more than a dramatic and ingenious act of American nationalist self-deception and White racialist hypocrisy.

We can no longer hide behind the petticoat of democratic boasting in an age of the personal computer. It isn’t possible to feign ignorance when the truth is staring you right in the face. Those of us who claim not to see what is happening are, without exception, pathological liars. For there is a fundamental difference between not knowing and not caring. And this is an overdue and necessary question. And let us be principled at this juncture by leaving the sing-song nostalgia of traditional Americana to the professional propagandists and committed bigots of the far-right as we contend with unembellished reality.

What we are actively criticising here is not the individual White racist, which is also important, but the longstanding tradition of western ethnic bias itself as a negative and anti-human social paradigm. It is vitally critical for us here to deal not just with the overt phenomenon of racist attitudes, but also with the subvert and pragmatic facts behind mainstream ethnic marginalisation itself as a whole.

‘Sitting at the table doesn’t make you a diner, unless you eat some of what’s on that plate. Being here in America doesn’t make you an American. Being born here in America doesn’t make you an American’.

–  Malcolm X  –

Racism is a reality. And not just against Europeanised Ashkenazim Jewry, but against all persons deemed to be non-White and those who are unlucky enough to be caught-up by the racists and their ideological sympathisers. Serbs, Roma, Turks, Africans, the mentally-challenged, homosexuals, pagans all Indigenous Peoples and other social outsiders have over the generations been the targets of far-right, conservative and often religious discrimination. Often, these groups have also been targeted for elimination. And not just by the officials working within legal governments, but by the passive agreement and often active participation of the rank-and-file populace within western democracies.

This is quite similar to the despicable actions undertaken by the Catholic Church when it gave its theological consent to anti-Jewish violence before and during the Crusades and again immediately following the mayhem of the Spanish Reconquista. In between and directly after these frightful periods, the Pope would simply say, ‘God wills it’ and the White Christian world would calmly look in the other direction. Secure in the certain knowledge that Jehovah looked down upon them with exalted appreciation for zealously helping ‘Him’ wipe out the non-European infidels and acknowledged ‘killers of the risen Christ’.13 The role of Catholicism in the development of Judeophobia is still a subject not discussed in polite political debate.

What ‘Black History Month’ refused to deal with in February, the World Council of Churches executive committee did with resounding courage and resolve. In a statement released last month, the Council strongly denounced the religiously-sanctioned directives that were used by European governments to justify the invasion of the Americas and the ‘necessary’ genocide of the Indigenous Peoples ‘discovered’ in the Americas.14 This was the Catholic-supported ‘Doctrine of Discovery’, a series of Papal Bulls that mandated the nationalisation of captured American lands and ordered the enforced Christianization of all Indigenous peoples captured by the Conquistadors.

The executive council of the WCC made it clear in their official statement that the doctrine was inherently racist and as a doctrine of the Church, ‘Fundamentally opposed to the gospel of Jesus’. They are now asking the world Christian body to reject the Europocentric biases of the traditional church in favour of a theology that truly embraces ‘All the Nations’ under the spiritual, and more to the point, human, example of Jesus the Christ. The Palestinian Semite redeemer of those too poor and too weak to defend themselves against the malevolent forces of the material world as then represented by the European Roman Imperial invasion of his country.

This is a deliberately literal reading of the historical, not the religious record. Christianity is at its base a faith of the poor, not the rich. This is why the Roman government chose to co-opt the faith into the state. This made it easier to control. What we understand today as Christian faith is an elaborate ruse. Religion in all nations and cultures is a tool of the elite forces of that particular society. And what the WCC is suggesting today is a rational and proactive approach to soberly dealing with the issue behind White supremacist sentiments and political chicanery in the new century. They are standing with the people, not the plutocratic, pro-capitalist religious fascists of the orthodox White European church establishment.

In using the historical rather than the religious Jesus as a metaphor for social justice is respectable. And it is an assessment with which even this committed atheist author can live with. For it gets to the base teachings of what is said to be the fundamental reason why the Sun of God was sent to be sacrificed in the first place. The world’s churches, synagogues and temples all collect money, power and undue moral influence over the political and private lives of the unfortunate people subjected to their absurd ‘spiritual’ jurisdiction. But in the end, they do not practise what they preach.

Like the Mother Church, Europocentric idealism is an illusion of order. A nonsensical allegory that exists only to give us a satisfying, emotive explanation as to why the ugly brutality of European hegemony should be accepted as the price one must pay to achieve ‘civilisation’ . John Howard Griffin, the American author of ‘Black Like Me’ pointed in the preface of his ground-breaking book:

‘Some White will say that this is not really it. They will say this is the White man’s experience s a Negro in the South, not the Negro’s…But this is a picayunish, and we no longer have time for that. We no longer have time to atomize principles and beg the question. We fill too many gutters while we argue unimportant points and confuse issues’.

–  J. H. Griffin  –

Let us ignore the superficial and discard the 1%-produced disinformation we have come to accept about each other. Universal peace and justice is indeed possible. We only need to be brave enough to collectively face the past with as much courage as we need to face the future. By being honest with ourselves we can be honest with how we all got here. It is disingenuous for White society to claim innocence when we all know that the public world’s mind has been intentionally fashioned in its image solely for its favour. It is time for conscious, politically aware White people to separate themselves from the reactionary, neo-conservative, neoliberal bigoted chaff and join the rest of the human community. Pledge to be as inclusive, as fair and as tolerant as you have failed to be in the past and the present. And perhaps, just perhaps, we can all survive the Mayan warning of tumultuous ‘change’.

It is impossible to avoid the obvious conclusion that the world situation as we understand is trapped within a foolish and cyclical paradigm of Europocentric absurdities. And it is up to those of us who should know better to say something other than have faith in ‘their belief’ that ‘things will work themselves out for the better. If this sort of passivity did not work in 1933, I fail to see how this could possibly make sense in 2012. Even under a Black American president.

This February we could have, as a society, discussed the history of Africa or Black people but that did not happen. Where are the American students in the US and Canada studying the public records of Denmark Vesey and Gullah Jack to learn about their role in defending human dignity in South Carolina? How many people of all races know that Ralph Bunche, a Black man, is one of Americans directly responsible for helping found the State of Israel, becoming the first African to win the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts? Very few. And this is more than just a shame, it is a major part of the problem. African ignorance of their own history is bad enough, White ignorance of African history is dangerous. It allows for the sort of wrong-headed assumptions that make human-on-human violence possible and subversive political abuse feasible.

“Ignorance’, as the Dravidian spiritual teacher the historical Buddha often taught, ‘is the root of all evil’. All ‘civilised’ peoples understand this and the fact is that the logical option for intelligent corrective measures are right in front of us. We know this and we only need dare look at it. If Steppin’ Fetchit and Iceberg Slim could eventually come around to determine that their past-behaviour was largely due to the unending cycle of ‘colonialist madness’, so can we. They came to overstand and overcome the considerable mental damage done to them by the unspoken, institutional ethnic hierarchy of life in the Americas. This is the most important issue to think about when discussing race in the Americas if nothing else. We are talking here about hundreds of years of brutal exploitation, physical abuse and skin-colour marginalisation. Often by rule of law. The creation of the Sambo in the Americas, both Afro-Indios and Afro-European, is the direct result of this system. And despite the negatives, we have survived.

But not intact. Yes, we have created identities and communities that honestly reflect our natural human responses to cultural European oppression. But we are mired within a mire of subcultures that represent more what has been done to us than what we really want for ourselves. Most Africans are ashamed that inner-city ‘Pimp’ mores have gone mainstream as have popular ‘Gangster’ motifs that reflect the cultural influences of the underground economy that keeps the poor from starving to death. And despite their righteous-sounding rhetoric, capitalist Hollywood and the rest of the free-market crowd make as much money from this unfortunate situation as possible. And their are plenty of sell-out Africans ready, willing and eager to demean their own people for the sake of gold and a space at the White man’s table.

This is the result of being whipped into spiritual submission by an abusive European living in dread of the African and Native slave regaining a ‘knowledge of self’, meaning a sense of his and her own instinctive humanity. So it is foolish to pretend that when a single human being is mistreated and subjected to the inner scars of the experience, that it is fundamentally different than when it occurs to an entire people. To say that Africans and individuals and as peoples throughout the Diaspora do not suffer from Post-Slavery emotional and mental issues is to willingly ignore the problem.

‘We have more work to do when more young black men languish in prison than attend colleges and universities across America’.
¾ Barack Obama, NAACP forum, July 12, 2007 ¾

The mainstream behaviour sciences are only recently beginning to address the syndrome and its role in negative African physical and mental ailments. It isn’t as if we have ignored the issue as a community, we simply do have enough breathing room to effectively challenge the problem. And while the Black Christian Church has long been a centre of spiritual strength and community organisation, it has never seriously addressed the issue of ‘Post-Colonial Stress Syndrome’ or ‘Post-Slavery Syndrome’. The Black Church deals more with Black assimilation, not ‘nationhood’ as a body. More nationalist-thinking community leaders in the US addressed the subject in differing, but generally conservative terms through pan-African leaders such the Marcus M. Garvey, Jr., ONH; religious teachers like the Hon. Elijah Muhammad of the ‘original’ Lost-Found Nation of Islam (Black Muslims); Bro. Min. Malcolm X (El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz) and even agnostic thinkers such as Clarence 13X, founder of the (even more esoteric) Five Percent Nation, a manifestation based on the ‘Poor Righteous Teachers’ allegory of the NOI’s inner scriptures. Not Little Black Sambo.

However, the BBP and the American Indian Movement (AIM) on the other hand did deal with these issues by using a people-centred and non-dogmatic approach to cultural re-awareness. This was a progressive and amiable way of developing a climate of cultural co-education and solidarity with other similarly oppressed groups and those in the White mainstream who were in sympathy with universal social justice. But what is most important to consider is that the citizen-run, community-organised low-cost programmes these organisations devised actually worked. Africans and Native Americans were becoming independent. Psychologically. And that included maturing politically as an ethno-cultural bloc.

This was the real problem. We were consciously removing ourselves from a position of dependence. And the simple fact is, some White people, quite a few in fact, did not and do not want to see this happen. We cannot do anything about this. What what we can do however is to stop treating our adversaries as our allies and our allies as our adversaries. Because we are by tradition, not genetics, a forgiving and at heart a peaceful people, we are more apt to look towards our former masters for confirmation and comfort than our own brothers and sisters who endure within the very same cycle of African struggle. This is the face of self-colonialism.

It is not ‘anti-White’ to state the observable fact that Africans, as a human group, have been taught to hate themselves with intensity. This is the real dirty laundry of the African consciousness and it is a silent symptom of how non-Europeans have fared in a hopelessly materialistic, European-dominated world. This self-hate dynamic is what compels us to not see that other African as our brother. It is because we still, mistakenly, perceive that White people, all White people, represent the paradigm that we all, regardless of ethnicity, must ‘rise’ to. As codified in history, art and letters, the European is presented as the hope of the world. And we are lead, if not forced, to believe that they our the ‘betters’ we must all defer to.

In spite of our innate physical beauty, our cultural creativity or our instinct for limitless adaptability, we have all been trained, both Black and White, to despise the African as something less than human. Less than White. And sadly, even the African believes the lies said about him to the point of internalised antagonism. The root cause of inner cognitive struggle all Black men and women must confront on a daily basis.

‘How low must I reduce myself, today, in order to survive’?

This is a shame. A damned shame. And when White people point our lack of interest today or our comprehension of these issues, correctly I might add, we feel insulted and indignant. But it is quite true. We do not as a community or as individuals, for the most part pay much attention to our collective political clarity. There were more educated Africans in the United States actively advocating for the immediate and unconditional release of IDF soldier Gilad Shalit during his detainment by the Hamas bureaucracy than were in support of Troy Anthony Davis in his battle to save his life and clear his name. And even more alarming, to this writer, is the undue and ludicrous attention accorded to Black entertainment scandals than the fact that the republican party has been waging a media crusade in favour of demeaning the first genetic Black president in every way possible short of calling him a ‘Nigger’. And despite his genteel,pro-Europocentric, pro-capitalist, pro-Christian assimilationist proclivities, he is being insulted on a daily basis for no other reason than because he is a Black man in a position of power many White folks simply do not believe a ‘Negro’, any Negro, deserves.

And even though he has politically been extremely race-neutral in his approach, (even to the point of treating American Africans just as apathetically as any other US president) recent polls in former US slave-states show that only 12% of Mississippians think that President Barack Obama is a real Christian despite all the evidence to the contrary.15 Chiefly because the right-wing cacophony machine falsely identifies Mr. Obama as a radical anti-Caucasian left-wing Marxist-Communist-Socialist-Nazi-Fascist Muslim Manchurian Candidate from Kenya. In Alabama, just 14% believe he isn’t a Muslim at heart. Shocking information in the 21st century but then again, about 75% of the respondents in some of these polls don’t accept Darwin’s scientific theory of evolution either. Others, a sizable minority, also still believe the world to be flat too.16

This writer has never claimed to support him politically, but I do support him as a Black man who is facing the brunt of relentless xenophobic racism. This does not mean that I will choose to vote for him, but I will certainly support him against racist bellicosity from the black-hearted bastards of the right-wing as well as the reactionary ignoramuses operating within what is supposed to be the left-wing of the accepted political dichotomy. This is a community-solidarity courtesy one would hope he and the rest of the American African elite working in positions of influence would extend to their own forgotten people. Why not? Senator Joseph Lieberman ferociously supports the American, if not the global, Jewish community without apology. What is stopping Mr. Obama and the rest of the ‘Talented Tenth’ from doing the same? No one is asking them to get on the picket-line, although, that would be cool. But we have had enough parades. We need less clamor and more substance. Racism is still here. And nothing has changed other than the dance styles.

What is needed is some overt critical and analytical support for real social justice and an honest accounting of what is really going on with the African in America and how we got to this juncture. We have to regain a sense of our literal self. Without this, we will always be subjected to the ever changing winds of European whims and racist folly. It is up to us to define what our own ‘liberation’ will look like. And in the later generations of the struggle we had a vision of what that ‘Black’ freedom would be and how we would get there. This was crushed however at every turn. And every time it seemed as if we had a workable and sustainable solution to our problems, (and not the White man’s issue of how we could best serve him) we were crushed and scattered like red African soil thrown into the sea. In the past we had our own businesses, banks, (SEE: Black Wall Street) and townships, (SEE: Rosewood Race Riots) because White society did not wish to serve our needs. So we did it ourselves. Not because we wanted to be separate, but because we were not wanted. If African interests have failed over the decades, it is because of these very same reasons. White society has never treated the African as an equal.

Black History Month could have discussed why the ‘Black Church’ exists and how Africans were banned by law from practising the Christian religion. Or from learning to read, from dancing, or from practising their traditional spiritual beliefs. If there is such a thing as Black American history, it is about how we survived, not how we have been forced to adapt in order to survive. This would frame these important issues in African, not Europocentric terms. We are not critically assessing our own historical record. We are waiting for a White man to tell us who we are. This is true.

A this is where open and honest education comes into play. Whites in the Americas must be willing to learn about their own history of racism and the historical dynamics of race stratifications in human relations. We must also be willing to openly discuss how severely Africans have been impoverished via subterfuge of the representative political system. This is why it is highly unfair to accuse African people in North America of sociopolitical or moral ineptness without first studying just how seriously Africans, (and Black males in particular) have traditionally been emasculated in this society. Remember when Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer rudely stuck her finger in the face of the US president like an antebellum plantation owner chastising her house-slave and got away with it? By claiming she felt ‘threatened’ by him, White America said, ‘O.k.’ Black America? Well, Black America said nothing.17

Sure, there were some articles about it, but few called the situation as it really was: a planned media event to publicly disparage this US president on no other grounds other than he is an African. Nothing else. Further, her racist photo-opp maneuver was designed not only to shame Obama, but to shame all African people as a collective body. We, as African people, have yet to connect how the Obama presidency reflects upon us as a community and the critical position the American Black man resides in at this historical moment.

This is why each and every time Mr. Obama ignores the racists, he delegitimises the American Black/African struggle against such undeserved disrespect and disparagement. The lack of basic respect shown towards Mr. Obama by the Arizona governor is unprecedented in US political history. And it was allowed. Most importantly, the racist myth of the ‘dangerous Black man’ was in effect confirmed by this stunt in the pathetic minds of the hopelessly bigoted.18 Her finger-wagging was a signal to the White American racist past. It was a wink to the ‘Take America Back’ crowd that is slovenly lusting for an immediate regression to a time when Whites were unquestionably ‘on top’ and their unearned privileges stood virtually unchallenged.

We, as African Peoples were bitch-slapped on the front pages of every newspaper in the world. This was by design. And the African in the Americas said practically nothing about it. We gave it a pass. And many sadly were probably not even aware of it unless someone told them about it. This is ridiculous on its face because anyone with an educated mind understands that the only thing that has changed in the US sociopolitical arena is the window dressing, not the substance. The White House is still very much ‘White’. And the same 1% landed gentry who own the extant power structure, are still in charge. It just looks as if things have changed for the better. They haven’t.

Because most Americans today in both the US and Canada live lives of simplistic materialist superficiality, this minor cosmetic alteration seems much more captivating than it really is. And this fundamental misunderstanding has inaccurately convinced the European settler-class that ‘all is lost’ just because they are being represented politically by a member of the Black ‘race’. They believe, but cannot prove, that the White man is losing his control and place in the world. This is not a new sentiment but it has been given a boost by the White anxiety that followed the reality of the Obama election. This was indeed America’s ‘Putney Swope’ moment and the Euro-American populace has acted true to cinematic form.

There is no political backing for the outlandish claims made against him, so in effect, the juvenile ad hominem belligerence we are witnessing from the right-wing is all they have left to use. He is being derided simply because he is Black and in this, their hateful actions demean all decent people in the Americas. This is the reality of the situation. And how he carries himself during these critical obstacles reflects on all African people everywhere. This is still true whether he wants to accept his role as the titular leader of the entire African world or not.

This is why a critical study of internal US social development is so important. It provides a backdrop for understanding why the African in the Americas does not respond as a community bloc when faced with overt racism. This was not always the case, but after what has occurred in terms of COINTELPRO-style repression against Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Marcus Garvey’s international Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), civil organisations such as the BBP, the revolutionary-nationalist Republic of New Afrika (RNA) and numerous other African organisations and activists such as Malcolm X, Robert Franklin Williams and Fred Hampton Sr., the fight has, literally, been beaten out of us. The level of covert-directed violence and extra-legal measures used to undermine what government officials believed to be negative, possibly anti-American political dissent in the African community made it perfectly clear: speaking up comes with consequences.19

The most effective propaganda is that which frames concepts rather than focuses on issues. And in my own personal experience as an Afro-Indio cultural educator I have seen very few instances in which these aspects of the African historical experience in the Americas are mentioned respectfully or fairly. Our history of struggle is almost always treated negatively and is as a rule of thumb, is erroneously misused to ‘prove’ that there is a ‘Black Rage’ that is generalised against all White people as a whole. This isn’t true, but just saying that means little. The fears are very real.

Much of it comes from a space of pure unadulterated ignorance, but a lot of it is a fear of broad-brushed racialist retribution for centuries of mistreatment. There is nothing we can do about this fear other than to recognise it and be intelligent about it. And that includes recognising that while the activist-driven Afro-sphere pays attention, there was, and is, no national movement of Blacks or Whites to denounce how racism and right-wing religious ideas have shaped the 2012 election cycle. That says either most of us really don’t understand what’s going on, or, so many of us are just so accustomed to drinking the Kool-Aid we just don’t care about ourselves anymore.

Either way, the situation must change or Africans as a group throughout the Diaspora are indeed doomed. We should be need to be inspired to save our own lives. And unless the issue involves the overt advocacy of Black, bottle-blond media personalities or diamond-studded hypocritical clergy seeking camera time, precious few of us seem to be very interested. We are more worried about replicating the lifestyles of either ‘Ghetto Fabulous’ celebrities or the assimilationist poseurs with our bootlegged, black-market replicas than struggling for our continuance as a people. The more ‘American’ we have become, the less we are willing to acknowledge our innate ‘Blackness’. We have become more concerned about achieving personal enrichment and media stardom, not independence and communal health.

If Black History Month meant anything at all, it would discuss all of these topics fairly and in full. It is an insult to all those who came before us who willing to struggle for justice, freedom and African independence from exploitation to ignore the roots issues behind our struggle. It is time to end the cycle of self-colonialism and to step forward with a vision of conscious Africanism without the needless and moronic excesses of ethnic elitism, religious factionalism and the tit-for-tat trading of xenophobic racialisms with the more ridiculous elements of the far-right. It is time for us to stop trying to be everything to everybody and to begin being true to ourselves.

Having said this, I feel it is important to point out that there is a current move to bring the American African’s issues to the world stage. However, the context here should give us some pause. In response to the recent changes in voting rules that threaten to suppress the African vote, the NAACP has gone before the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva to request international assistance in securing a fair vote for Black people in the US, (democracynow.org: NAACP Head Benjamin Jealous in Geneva Seeking United Nations Help to Protect Voting Rights in U.S.). The NAACP is requesting a special U.N. delegation to monitor the process and offer recommendations for improvement, a move sure to embarrass the Obama administration and to influence those Blacks that will be allowed to vote into some political clarity.

While all of this sounds good on face-value, one must ask, why didn’t the NAACP go to Geneva to discuss Troy Anthony Davis or Mumia Abu-Jamal? How about all of the Black men and women who ended up dead as a result of police brutality or sent to a social death in the for-profit correctional industry? In other words, I find it quite interesting that the NAACP administration could find the time to address the mainstream, assimilationist Black American political concern with maintaining access to the sacred vote while ignoring what poor Black people have to go through all year round, not just at election time.

Racial profiling of Black men alone accounts for thousands of people being denied the right to vote. And in 2000 and in 2004, African males were falsely added to voter lists that registered them as ineligible to exercise their Constitutional rights. Just because they were Black. The NAACP could have gone international then instead of begging Bush the Second to visit them for lunch so he could push the sub-prime mortgage scandal on an unsuspecting Black community. Instead of pursuing a programme of social justice, the NAACP is seeking a ‘seat at the table’ through the established political process of an already corrupted system. This is not wise.

They support reform, not intelligent, class-free, egalitarian change. In struggling to adapt to a system that by its very nature must reduce the non-White and the poor into malleable forms of human putty, the African, when standing amongst the other peoples of the world, becomes a nobody. In trying to please our former masters by kissing their arses with a different sort of waltz we tell ourselves is the ‘price of progress’, we belittle ourselves. From this moment on let cease to hate ourselves any longer. There is enough of that to go around and we will face our fair share of criticism for saying what is true.

So let us be African. Let us discard the skin-bleach creams, false eye contacts and chemical hair-relaxers from both our cupboards and our minds. Let us not apologise or feel shame any longer to be the Original Peoples from the Motherland of Africa. We are the ‘First People’ that gave birth to the entire human race. And we deserve far better than what we have received. Not because we were first, but because we are human.

Just like everyone else.

– TheAngryindian

TheAngryindian is editor-in-chief of the Aboriginal Press News Service (APNS) and editor-General of the Aboriginal News Group (ANG)
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Fourth World Radyo : The New Maafa (FWR-01.24.2012)

Fourth World Radyo : The New Maafa (FWR-01.24.2012)

The blatant racism levied against Native Americas, Africans and Indigenous Palestinians in the US is without question a major factor of the neoliberal hype around Election 2012. This issue discusses the salient reasons why Indigenous Peoples, Africans in the US and other areas of the African Diaspora should be concerned about our communal safety and welfare.

Dispatch:(Recorded On – 01.24.2012) – Lessons For Original Peoples
Recorded: Indian Country, Occupied North America
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